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Keyword: ‘limited liability risk management’

Poor statists! If we close our eyes tightly enough, we can see clearly that Corporations are innocent VICTIMS, of governments that foist on them meaningless grants like limited liability & IP, and of malevolent, grasping citizens

May 10th, 2010 1 comment

I pulled out my peashooter the other day and levelled a few criticisms (“Risk-shifting, BP and those nasty enviros“) at  Lew Rockwell‘s Feel Sorry for BP?.  I don’t imagine that Lew noticed, but my buddy Stephan Kinsella did.

I have long noted the reflexive defense of corporations by prominent Austrians and the stubborn unwillingness to closely examine the role that the special grants to corporate investors that lie at the core of the problem of snowballing corporate statism, spiralling politicized rent-seeking battles, incompetent government and concupiscient and grand-standing politicians. So Stephan’s comments come as no surprise:

1.  Stephan chooses to set the stage with a bunch of labels –  “enviro-global-warming anti-corporation libertarian”. Whatever makes you happy, Stephan. I know you and others have a hard time resisting the urge, which is why I often playfully sign off as the resident friendly enviro fascist! Nah, couldn’t possibly be a “real” libertarian.

On corporations, the “environment”, and climate – as on central banking, fiat currency and the whole mess of banking and capital markets regulation – I’m simply anti-un-contracted-for-risk-shifting-and-government-enabled-moral-hazard and arguments against rent-seeking that ignore existing special deals.

But if it’s easier, just keep calling me”anti-corporation” and continue to lump me in with “enviro-fascists”.

 2.  I had wondered: 

Even if one concedes that some criticisms of BP will be unfair, how can BP possibly be cast [by Lew] as the LEADING victim – as opposed to all of the others whose livelihoods or property are drastically affected by this incident, which they had no control over whatsoever?

Stephan’s lame response?

BP is a victim in the sense that a terrible tragedy just happened to it, and it’s gonna cost it dearly. It’s the leading victim assuming the others damaged are going to be compensated from BP. The point is it’s a bad thing that’s happened to it.Why not feel sorry for them?

Really, Stephan?  BP deliberately measures and takes risks as part of its business; no one else who has been or maybe injured had a clear concept of such risks or either assumed them or had any ability to control them. Clearly, BP is the one that has interfered with others’ use and enjoyment of their own property, of common property and of government-owned property; in law, we call them “tort-feasors”.  They are not a “victim” in any sense that we commonly apply in situations like this. Empty word games like yours turn reality in its head. Right, Toyota is a victim when its cars’ brakes have problems, TVA is a “victim” when its coal fly ash dams break, and so are others who “unintentionally” injure the health or damage the property of others – when latent risks materialize or they are caught at it and suffer some economic loss as a result.

It’s hard to believe you want to further support Lew’s absurd claim that BP is the leading victim now – we simply have assume that in the future, BP or someone else will throw some compensation at all of those other unworthy, insignificant passive victims. Nice.

Sure, it’s too bad that this happened, all around. BP gambled (heroically?) to make money; everyone has lost. Poor BP!

3. Lew: “The incident is a tragedy for BP and all the subcontractors involved. It will probably wreck the company”

Me: 

The incident will certainly be costly for the firms involved, but the firms will survive the death of employees, and there is certainly very little risk indeed that BP will be “wrecked” by the spill. Far from it; it is unlikely that BP will even bear the principal costs of cleanup efforts, much less the economic damages to third parties that federal law apparently caps at $75 million.

Have you not heard of “INSURANCE”? A little thinking (and Googling) would tell you that BP (and its subcontractors) has plenty of it. To the extent BP is NOT insured, it has ample capability to self-insure, unlike all of the fishermen, oystermen and those in the tourist industry who are feeling significant impacts. Insurers will bear the primary burden, not BP.

Stephan:

Obama has threatened BP and they have caved in, agreeing to pay above the $75M cap. And the cap was in exchange for a tax on oil companies to be put into the Oil Spill Liability Trust Fund for such emergencies–do you think that BP will be able to get that tax refunded? Naah.

Sounds like you’re agreeing that this incident is unlikely to “wreck”BP, given insurance, self-insurance and the $1.6 billion Oil Spill Fund. But it sounds like you also are suggesting that BP has every right to negotiate with government for liability caps. Interesting.

4. Lew:   “we might ask who is happy about the disaster: 1. the environmentalists, with their fear mongering and hatred of modern life”

Me:

Sorry, but this is perverse: enviros might feel that they have been proven right – and you might be annoyed that they can make such a claim – but they certainly aren’t “happy” with any of the loss of life, damage to property or livelihoods of the little guy (or of bigger property owners), or to a more pristine marine environment that they value.

Stephan: 

Aren’t happy? Have you seen, say, Spill Baby Spill, Boycott BP! ? And another tolerant, caring liberal on Slate’s Political Gabfest Facebook page said, “I don’t get the calls for pity. Boohoo another oil giant might have bankrupted itself.” These misanthropic sickos oppose nuclear power, which makes fossil fuels necessary. They act like they hate BP. Why? For making a mistake? Mistakes are inevitable. For drilling for oil? Why? We need oil.

Let me repeat: some might feel vindicated and be eager to use this incident to bash BP, etc. – people/firms certainly are fighting over government – but that doesn’t make them “happy” that disaster has occurred.

You apparently missed it, but there were plenty of “misanthropic sickos” on Lew’s comment thread who expressed thoughts similar to “I don’t get the calls for pity. Boohoo another oil giant might have bankrupted itself.”

The rest of this is also packed with nonsense.  Funny that Austrians fail to overlook that enviro opposition to nukes and to other fossil fuels is more than a little related to government’s dirty role in the industries, including liability caps like those present here. Do Austrians “hate” banks, securities firms and AIG for making “mistakes”? But aren’t mistakes “inevitable”? And don’t we need lenders and insurers? And a domestic auto industry?

Just what do these utilitarian arguments have to do with libertarian principles, anyway?

5.   Me:

[Lew’s] projection of happiness at damages to common resources/private property and hatred of modern life is especially perverse, given your own explicit recognition that government ownership/mismanagement of commons, and setting of limits on liability both skew the incentives BP faces to avoid damage, and limit the ability of others (resource users and evil enviros) to directly protect or negotiate their own interests. Why is the negative role played by government any reason to bash others who use or care about the “commons”?

Stephan: No libertarian is in favor of liability caps. What is he talking about?

Simple, Stephan. Lew explicitly recognizes that government has screwed up  the ability of enviros and others who have conflicting preferences about the use of resources to engage in voluntary transactions that would advance mutual welfare – yet he chooses to bash those whose preferences are frustrated by government, while feeling sorry for those whose preferences are favored. What is remotely even-handed – or Austrian – about this imbalance? Is it simply that it’s okay for those who make omelets to take eggs from others, since the omelet “makers” are being “productive”?

6.  Me:

We have seen Austrians – sympathetic to the costs to real people in the rest of the economy – rightly call for an end to a fiat currency, central banking and to moral-hazard-enabling deposit insurance and oversight of banks. In an April 9 post by Kevin Dowd on the financial crisis, we even had a call “to remove limited liability: we should abolish the limited-liability statutes and give the bankers the strongest possible incentives to look after our money properly” – but Dowd’s comments simply echoed in the Sounds of Silence. Why do you and others refuse to look at the risk-shifting and moral hazard that is implicit in the very grant of a limited liability corporate charter – not only in banking, but in oil exploration and other parts of the economy?

Stephan:

Removing artificial caps on liability has nothing to do with the limited liability of passive shareholders in a corporation. Their liability is limited simply because they are not causally responsible for the torts of employees of the company in which they hold shares.

I suspect this is the key reason why Stephan troubled himself to respond, but surely he can see it is not only counterfactual, but dodges any consideration of the consequences of limited liability in terms of fuelling industrialization and fights over using government to check corporate excesses. Investors then and now deliberately choose to conduct business activities through corporations precisely because government absolves owners from any liability in excess of enterprise assets.  While it is possible for voluntary counterparties (employees, lenders and others doing business with the firm) to agree in advance to limit their resources solely to enterprise assets, those who are injured by acts of companies or their employees and agents do not in advance choose the nature of the those who are responsible for harming them. Accordingly, the broad blanket grant of limited liability to corporations is clearly anti-libertarian.

Accordingly, dividends received by shareholders from risky activities are not clawed back if risks are realized and claims exceed corporate assets. Further, shareholders are given disincentives from too closely directing manage risk (for fear of claims that they have direct responsibility for torts). When combined with other corporate attributes (unlimited life & purposes, relative anonymity of ownership, remoteness of owners from communities in which the firms operate, and ability of powerful firms and wealthy investors to influence judges, legislators, bureaucrats and other officials), we have seen a steady erosion of common law and growth in the regulatory state – as citizens fight to limit the risks and costs that corporations impose on individuals and communities. Is Stephan unaware of the central role of corporations in rent-seeking battles? In the perversion of the 14th Amendment – designed to protect emancipated slaves and Chinese coolies – into a weapon to elevate corporations over the states, and to permanently shift power to the Federal government?

Just as most commentators overlook the massive moral hazard and risk-shifting that is part and parcel of the federal oversight of banking (necessitated by deposit insurance and fractional banking), so do Stephan and Lew insist on keeping their eyes closed to the legacy of risk-shifting, statism and escalating fights over increasingly incompetent and corrupt government. Why?

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Risk-shifting, BP and those nasty enviros; or, why does Lew Rockwell feel sorry for BP?

May 9th, 2010 No comments

[I that note my subsequent BP posts can be found here]

I refer to Lew Rockwell‘s May 5, 2010 piece, “Feel Sorry for BP?”

http://mises.org/daily/4331

Lew, I largely agree with your criticism of government but some of your piece is simply confused.

1. “It should be obvious that BP is by far the leading victim, but I’ve yet to see a single expression of sadness for the company and its losses.”

BP is the leading “victim”? Victim of what/who? Sure, they’re a target (1) for all manner of evil people whose livelihoods or enjoyment of their property or common property are directly or indirectly affected by the spill, (2) for evil enviro groups (relatively well-off citizens who profess to care about how well/poorly government manages the use of “common resources” by resource extraction industries), and (3) for evil governments and politicians looking to enhance their own authority/careers. But these are all a consequence of the accident, and not a cause of it. Has BP been defrauded, tricked or strong-armed into drilling anywhere? Is BP the “victim” of its own choices?

Even if one concedes that some criticisms of BP will be unfair, how can BP possibly be cast as the LEADING victim – as opposed to all of the others whose livelihoods or property are drastically affected by this incident, which they had no control over whatsoever?

2. “The incident is a tragedy for BP and all the subcontractors involved. It will probably wreck the company”

The incident will certainly be costly for the firms involved, but the firms will survive the death of employees, and there is certainly very little risk indeed that BP will be “wrecked” by the spill. Far from it; it is unlikely that BP will even bear the principal costs of cleanup efforts, much less the economic damages to third parties that federal law apparently caps at $75 million.

Have you not heard of “INSURANCE”? A little thinking (and Googling) would tell you that BP (and its subcontractors) has plenty of it. To the extent BP is NOT insured, it has ample capability to self-insure, unlike all of the fishermen, oystermen and those in the tourist industry who are feeling significant impacts. Insurers will bear the primary burdemn, not BP.

3. “we might ask who is happy about the disaster: 1. the environmentalists, with their fear mongering and hatred of modern life”

Sorry, but this is perverse: enviros might feel that they have been proven right – and you might be annoyed that they can make such a claim – but they certainly aren’t “happy” with any of the loss of life, damage to property or livelihoods of the little guy (or of bigger property owners), or to a more pristine marine environment that they value.

“Hatred of modern life”? Surely any clear-thinking Austrian can see that, just as Austrians hate our modern kleptocratic, incompetent and moral-hazard-enabling government, many enviros are relatively well-off people who dislike how “modern life” seems to take for granted the way government-ordered “capitalism” enables a systemic shifting of risks from manufacturers to those downwind and downstream, and to all who enjoy what remains of commons or government-owned property.

Haven’t Walter Block, Roy Cordato, Murray Rothbard and others written about this? Or do “good” Austrians these days simply hate government, but love big corporations and banks, and the way government enables them to shift risks to the rest of us?

Your projection of happiness at damages to common resources/private property and hatred of modern life is especially perverse, given your own explicit recognition that government ownership/mismanagement of commons, and setting of limits on liability, both skew the incentives BP faces to avoid damage, and limit the ability of others (resource users and evil enviros) to directly protect or negotiate their own interests. Why is the negative role played by government any reason to bash others who use or care about the “commons”?

We have seen Austrians – sympathetic to the costs to real people in the rest of the economy – rightly call for an end to a fiat currency, central banking and to moral-hazard-enabling deposit insurance and oversight of banks. In an April 9 post by Kevin Dowd on the financial crisis, we even had a call “to remove limited liability: we should abolish the limited-liability statutes and give the bankers the strongest possible incentives to look after our money properly” – but Dowd’s comments simply echoed in the Sounds of Silence. Why do you and others refuse to look at the risk-shifting and moral hazard that is implicit in the very grant of a limited liability corporate charter – not only in banking, but in oil exploration and other parts of the economy?

http://bit.ly/atelEr

4. “The abstraction called the “ecosystem” — which never seems to include mankind or civilization — has done far less for us than the oil industry, and the factories, planes, trains, and automobiles it fuels.”

Frankly, this is nonsense. Austrians understand that focussing on the “ecosystem” is often an unhelpful abstraction and distraction from the fact that there are competing and conflicting interests held by people in resources that are not effectively owned or managed. The Austrian focus is on how to enable those with conflicting desires to coordinate their planning, not to engage in some muddle-headed balancing of collective “utility” that says one powerful group of users is “right”, so other claimants should be scoffed at and chased away.

And the “ecosystem” is what gives us air to breathe, water, food and a host of other things. Do you really mean to say these are relatively unimportant?

5. “the environmentalists went nuts yet again, using the occasion to flail a private corporation and wail about the plight of the “ecosystem,” which somehow managed to survive and thrive after the Exxon debacle.”

Seems to me your “facts” about the damage done by Exxon Valdez to the “environment” – including the small segments used by by man – and recovery/compensation are basically counterfactual:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exxon_Valdez_oil_spill

http://www.alternet.org/environment/22260

Further, it seems you don’t have any real clue as to the escalating damage that man is doing to our shared ocean “commons”. These two TED talks might help open your eyes:

http://www.ted.com/talks/jeremy_jackson.html

http://www.ted.com/talks/sylvia_earle_s_ted_prize_wish_to_protect_our_oceans.html

6. Finally, like BP, you have understated the degree of the oil leakage; BP initially estimated 1000 bpd, but later agreed with estimates by others that the leak is at least about 25,000 bpd, with risks of an even larger blowout.

Here’s to hoping for greater insight and more productive engagement from LvMI.

A lurking hater of mankind 😉

TokyoTom

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Rot at the Core: John Quiggin says that to stop banks from engaging in risky activities we need to outlaw investment banking

October 10th, 2009 No comments

I commented last week on a blog post by leftist Aussie economist John Quiggin, who blamed the financial collapse on investment banks, and suggested that either:

(i) investment banking should be much more heavily regulated (“Properly
done, regulation of this kind would kill off investment banking of the
kind with which we are familiar.”), or

(ii) ultra-high Glass-Steagall-like barriers should be raised that prevent most transactions between investment banks and government-guaranteed banks.

Right; and the identical approach to outlawing drugs and tightening penalties for buying, selling, growing and producing has worked out great, hasn`t it?  (Well, it has, for our growing and ever-more invasive armies of regulators, police, prisons, and grug-related interventions abroad.)

Such proposed “solutions” left me head-scratching, since they entirely missed addressing the root of the problem, which Quiggin identifies here:

This is one instance of a more general point emerging from discussion of the financial crisis. As
Felix Salmon observes, the extraordinary profitability of investment
bank can most plausibly be explained by the hypothesis that risk is
being shifted, without compensation, to someone else
. Salmon focuses on the case of ignorant buyers, sold products they don’t understand. But, as
Arnold Kling observes, an equally important source of investment
banking profits is regulatory arbitrage at the expense of governments,
and, ultimately, the public at large
.

Why not observe that government efforts to make depositors “safe” by guaranteeing deposits has instead almost entirely blown up, at the expense of taxpayers, and engendered a system of spiralling risk-shifting and opacity that left even the largest and smartest investment banks unable to calculate their own exposures and scrambling for government protection? And wonder whether – instead of banning risk-taking and providing products used for risk-shifting and regulatory arbitrage – it`s time to introduce real discipline into the system by making depositors and investors, banks and investment banks, carry a little more of their own risks?

I left John the following comment (with typographical edit)

October 6th, 2009 at 20:48 | #27

John,
it seems to me that you`re missing an important part of the picture
(that Arnold Kling and others point to): namely, the “information
problem” that limits the ability of regulators to notice, much less
keep fingers in, all of the holes in the dike, along with the federal
interventions in banking that have provided the chief moral hazard
problems and the chief demand for the products that investment banks
sourced.

BIS and investment standards created for the purpose of limiting the
risk that the government put on taxpayers via deposit guarantees
instead fuelled demands for products that provided higher returns at
than other assets at the same risk-weightings, and for
“investment-grade” products – but where the sellers perversely
arranged/paid for the rating, instead of buyers. This nonsense is still
continuing; even as the FDIC is closing banks right and left, banks
about to fail can attract “brokered deposits” from investors chasing
higher interest rates than are available at the safer banks (as
deposits remain guaranteed), as management gambles for returns that
will keep them in office.

The unregulated buyers of CMOs and CDS should of course be left to
suffer the consequences of their own investments; the Fed`s
intervention in support of LTCM (and the investments by insured banks
and investment banks) simply contributed to the “too big to fail”
massive risk shifting that has come home to roost.

Federal regulators should be reconsidering their fundamental
preconceptions, and moving away from trying to micro-manage risks in a
futile whack-a-mole enterprise, toward one that places more
responsibility for risk analysis on depositors and investors.
Otherwise, we will see simply empty promises, and more risk shifted to
taxpayers.

http://mises.org/Community/blogs/tokyotom/search.aspx?q=limited+liability

We`ll be better off if everyone has more of their own skin in the game.

 

The Curse of Limited Liability; WSJ.com: Executives/traders of big financial corporations generate risky business, while smaller partnerships are much more risk averse

February 26th, 2009 No comments

The February 25 Wall Street Journal carries an insightful piece of commentary by James K. Glassman (president of the World Growth Institute and a former undersecretary of state) and William T. Nolan (president of Devonshire Holdings and former associate at Brown Brothers Harriman & Co. in the early 1970s) .

The Glassman and Nolan piece, entitled Bankers Need More Skin in the Game; Partnerships may be a more trustworthy business model than corporations,” echoes in the context of Wall Street financial institutions the theme of inappropriate managerial risk-taking that I have previously blogged on a number of times regarding the consequences of  the “limited liability” corporate form.  Glassman and Nolan point to the sterling performance of Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., the oldest and largest partnership bank in the U.S., founded in 1818.

The Glassman and Nolan editorial is worth reading in whole, for purposes of discussion I excerpt portions here (bolding is mine):

“Of all the causes of the financial meltdown of the past few years, the easiest to understand is that an irresponsible attitude toward risk led to terrible mistakes in judgment. But where did this casual approach to risk originate?

A major culprit, we believe, is a change in the way Wall Street financial institutions are organized. During the late 1970s and ’80s, much of the responsibility for risk was transferred away from the people who made the financial decisions. As a result, leverage rose from 20-1 to 40-1 or higher, creating shaky towers of debt, which, as we know, eventually collapsed. …

“The trick is to find a way to encourage sensible risk-taking, while dampening the impulse to take chances that can throw an economy into recession and force taxpayers to bail out a banking system.

Can government accomplish this feat through rule-making and regulatory oversight? It is unlikely. As the Nobel Prize-winning economist Friedrich von Hayek correctly emphasized, no one — not even a politician or a bureaucrat — can gain the broad and deep knowledge necessary to make wise enough rules. Moreover, in a $14 trillion economy, you can’t hire enough overseers to pore over everyone’s books.

There is, however, a better solution: expose players in the financial game to greater personal loss if their risk-taking fails. When you worry that a mistake will cause you to lose your second home, your stocks and bonds and your club memberships, then you’re less likely to take the kinds of risks that expose the rest of society to your failures.

“A simple mechanism exists to achieve this purpose: the private partnership. Partners face liability that extends to their personal assets. They aren’t protected by the corporate shield that limits losses to what the corporation itself owns (as well as the value of the stocks and bonds the corporation has issued). Unfortunately, the partnership is a legal form of business organization that was largely abandoned by banks over the past quarter-century. Our advice is to bring it back. …

“Even John Gutfreund — the man who kicked off the dramatic change in investment-banking culture and structure when he took Salomon Brothers, a longtime partnership, public in 1981 — confirms our thesis. Michael Lewis wrote in the December issue of Condé Nast Portfolio that Mr. Gutfreund now believes “that the main effect of turning a partnership into a corporation was to transfer financial risk to the shareholders. ‘When things go wrong, it’s their problem,'” said Mr. Gutfreund.

“But when the personal wealth of executives is put at risk, as it is in a partnership, their behavior changes. Risk aversion increases. Few partnerships would leverage themselves to the hilt to load up on risky subprime loans.

“How do we know this? Luckily, for this financial experiment, there is a control case: Brown Brothers Harriman & Co. ….

“Some would say that BBH is sui generis. Would its structure work more broadly for financial institutions? It already is. As large brokers merged into huge corporations with greater concentration in real-estate finance, corporate finance migrated to private equity firms and hedge funds, which are generally structured as partnerships. While many of these new engines of finance have suffered in the recent meltdown, they generally didn’t engage in such extreme risk-taking and thus haven’t become wards of the state.

“We know from Alfred Chandler, the great business historian, that “strategy determines structure.” Similarly, structure determines behavior — in this case, a healthier attitude toward risk. It is unlikely that a partnership will grow to the size of a Bank of America or Citigroup, but, while size can boost efficiency, it also poses systemic risk. As partnerships — and corporations with partnership attributes — replace behemoths, the current crisis will spawn structures for future success.  …

We do not believe that government should require banks to be partnerships. Rather, investors — and governments — should recognize the extra safety inherent in doing business with partnerships.

I have previously argued that one of the key state interventions that has fuelled the rent-seeking and risk socialization that we see today is the grants of blanket limited liability to shareholders, along with the grant of legal personhood (with unlimited purposes and life and Constitutional rights) to corporations:

Limited liability has enabled corporate managers to act without close shareholder oversight and management; this I believe has played a key role in the vast misalignment of incentives that Michael Lewis and David Einhorn describe at the NYT, and in the risk mismanagement that Joe Nocera of the NYT describes at length in the NYT Magazine.  Those taking large bonuses (whether in the financial industry or large corporations) were essentially playing with OPM – Other People’s Money – and capturing the upside of short-term gains while leaving shareholders and taxpayers holding the bag for loses.

I hope that you and others here will look more deeply at the role of the state in the problem of misaligned incentives that continue to corrupt American capitalism.

It is not clear what Glassman and Nolan intend with their reference to “corporations with partnership attributes”, but I would note that corporations that make use of an unlimited liability structure (as American Express once did) share the main “partnership attribute” – that the owners of the firm may be, if the assets of the firm are insufficient, personally liable to creditors for all debts of the firm (other than those whose creditors agree in advance to limit recourse), particularly for torts to involuntary third parties.  The availability of the unlimited liability corporate form in various jurisdiction should be further investigated.

I agree with Glassman and Nolan that governments should recognize the better risk management that partnerships are likely to conduct, but not merely in the financial sector but in other industrial, commercial and professional fields as well.   Such recognition could take the form of eased regulations, for example.  I favor aggressive pursuit of this “carrot” approach to encouraging better risk management and less shifting of risks to shareholders, government and citizens generally.  However, this fails to consider what should be done about existing public companies and other limited liability corporations.  I would urge more aggressive veil-piercing, both judicially and by statute.

In any case, it is gratifying to see this topic getting some of the attention that it deserves.

Categories: limited liability, partnerships Tags:

Note to William Anderson: Limited liability is a key to understanding the Great American Ponzi scheme

January 5th, 2009 No comments

William Anderson (an adjunct scholar of the Mises Institute and economics prof. at Frostburg State University) has a thoughtful New Year’s Day post, pointing out how Paul Krugman fails to understand the causes of ouir economic stagnation and financial meltdown.

I posted the following comment, in which I argue that the state grant of limited laibility (which I have discussed in several recent posts) is a key to understanding the Great American Ponzi scheme:

Bill, I agree with the thrust of your criticisms of Krugman, but have a few small quibbles.

First, while you rightly condemn “most economic regulation … of the command-and-control variety”, you blame all of this on “the whims of bureaucrats and environmentalists” and completely fail to note that state and federal environmental regulation (i) initially responded to real environmental problems and (ii) also represents the successful efforts by established firms to raise barriers to entry and to cartelize their industries.  See Roger Meiners & Bruce Yandle, Common Law and the Conceit of Modern Environmental Policy, 7 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 923, 926-46 (1999), and Walter Block, Environmentalism and Economic Freedom: the Case for Private Property Rights..

Second, while you are correct that Krugman fails to understand the role of the state in creating the distortions that underlie our current problems, it seems to me that you have neglected one of the key state interventions that has fuelled the rent-seeking and risk socialization that we see today – the grants of legal personhood (with unlimited purposes and life and Constitutional rights) to corporations and blanket limited liability to shareholders.

Limited liability has enabled corporate managers to act without close shareholder oversight and management; this I believe has played a key role in the vast misalignment of incentives that Michael Lewis and David Einhorn describe at the NYT, and in the risk mismanagement that Joe Nocera of the NYT describes at length in the NYT Magazine.  Those taking large bonuses (whether in the financial industry or large corporations) were essentially playing with OPM – Other People’s Money – and capturing the upside of short-term gains while leaving shareholders and taxpayers holding the bag for loses.

I hope that you and others here will look more deeply at the role of the state in the problem of misaligned incentives that continue to corrupt American capitalism.

Dialogue with Stephan Kinsella on the state grant to shareholders of limited liability for corporate torts – a gift that keeps on giving

December 22nd, 2008 No comments

Stephan Kinsella, in two recent blog posts, Left-Libertarians on Corporations “Expropriating the Efforts of Stakeholders” and Corporations and Limited Liability for Torts, kindly provided a forum to discuss the issue of the limited liability that states grant to shareholders of corporations (and more recently to partners in LLPs (limited liability partnerships) and LLCs (limited liability corporations)) for torts committed by business enterprises and their employees and agents. 

It was in the context of these two posts that I have done a little legwork in pulling together legal resources regarding limited liability, which I publish in an earlier post.

By law, under most statutes providing for the establishment of corporations, shareholders (whether individuals or business interests) simply risk the amount of their investment in the event that corporate liabilities exceed corporate assets, and otherwise have no personal liability for a corporation’s debts, whether such debts resulting from negotiated loans with creditors or similarly negotiated obligations to employees, or from the harms that a corporation’s business activities (which may or may not also be attributable to identifiable employees, agents and managers) cause to involuntary third parties.

The short version of our conversation is that Stephan acknowledges that the state grant of limited liability is non-libertarian and unjustified, but plays down its importance – essentially by ignoring the past and ongoing effects that the absence of any personal risk to shareholders has certainly had on the evolution of corporations, on shareholder control, and on managerial and employee behavior, and instead focussing on a static argument that today, under libertarian principles, shareholders have little actual control over corporate actions and merely passive shareholders probably would not have liability.  While Stephan’s point is correct, it is shallow and static, and ignores the bigger picture.

My own view is that the grant of limited liability for torts has played an important role in engendering shareholder powerlessness vis-a-vis management, fuelling the growth of the environmental movement, general mistrust of corporations, and the at time rather paranoid “risk society” that we face today, and locking us into a spiral of increasing government interventions into corporate management that tend to further free management from shareholder control while raising barriers to entry, and providing greater incentives and opportunities for non-investor “stakeholders” to try to increase their influence on corporate behavior.

I hope to explore these issues in further posts, but for now I thought it would be useful – to those interested in exploring the ramifications of limited liability – to pull together some of my comments and dialogue (with Stephan and others) from the two posts noted above. 

 1.  Published: December 9, 2008 3:25 AM (emphasis added)

Stephan, while I agree with most of your post, your attempt to shift the burden of argument on the issue of limited liability strikes me as a bit disingenuous:

most people … seem to simply assume that … absent state law, shareholders ought to be liable for torts committed by employees. This has has to be established before one can bluster in outrage at the failure of the state to hold shareholders personally liable for such torts.

As I’ve noted elsewhere,  one of the chief purposes and effects of the corporate form is that through it, the state allows owners to sidestep any personal liability for the wrongful acts that their corporation commits, with the result that liability for such wrongful acts is limited to the assets of the corporation. Very clearly, limited liability to investors is an act of state, and not something that investors could contract for in advance with the as yet unknown victims of their future torts. As such it seems to me clearly inconsistent with libertarianism.

Do you find it so difficult to establish that such limited liability IS consistent with libertarianism that your best response is to shift the burden of proof, while characterizing those who disagree with you as “blustering with outrage”?

2.   Published: December 10, 2008 7:43 AM (emphasis added)

Stephan, thanks for your comments.

1. Me: “one of the chief purposes and effects of the corporate form is that through it, the state allows owners to sidestep any personal liability for the wrongful acts that their corporation commits”

You: It’s only sidestepping if they should have this liability in the first place. Should they?

Again, you are shifting the burden of proof on the issue. Is there any libertarian argument that the state OUGHT to step in and allow investors to unilaterally shift a portion of the risks of their business venture to others who might be damaged by the activities of the business?

I don’t believe that there is any such libertarian justification for limited liability. Without the act of state in creating limited liability for shareholders, such limited liability would not exist – except perhaps vis-a-vis creditors and business counterparties who might otherwise agree to limited their claims to the assets of the company, in exchange for agreed methods of risk control or higher prices. However, such limited liability could not otherwise exist as to Involuntary (or “tort”) creditors who without their consent are injured by the corporation, who have not agreed to assume the risk of corporate insolvency and shareholders’ limited liability, and who have neither received ex ante compensation for doing so nor had the opportunity to bargain for contractual safeguards.

This result seems to be entirely outside of libertarian principles that require voluntary exchanges and eschews takings by force (including by the state), particularly if uncompensated.

2. Me: “with the result that liability for such wrongful acts is limited to the assets of the corporation.”

You: This is untrue. Liability on the part of the *person who committed the wrongful act* is unlimited. If an Exxon employee robs your house, you can sue him for all he’s worth.

Me: My point is that limited liability lets investors entirely off the hook for damages that the wrongful acts of the corporation and its employees. While a few employees might individually be held responsible for their actions, this still may leave many injured persons uncompensated for injuries cause by a corporation’s business activities (many of which it many be impossible to identify a single bad/responsible actor inside the firm: defective products, pollution, etc.).

Before limited liability corporations were established, the common law doctrine of respondeat superior required investors to bear responsibility for the acts of a business, just as individual proprietors and partnerships remain so liable today.

3. Me: “Very clearly, limited liability to investors is an act of state, and not something that investors could contract for in advance with the as yet unknown victims of their future torts.”

You: Now, if you want to object to the inability to sue shareholders for vicarious liability for the torts of another, you need to show that the victim *should* be able to sue the shareholders. Should he? If so, why? What exactly is your theory of causation and responsibility?

Me: Again, you simply fail to answer my question, and presume that the state action that leaves shareholders free to shift business risks to others is valid and justifiable. Even as you remain unwilling to make your case, I am happy to expand my argument that limited shareholder liability is an unlibertarian grant by the state to shareholders.

The chief point, of course, is that the creation by the state of corporations limits tort liability to individual tortfeasors (if any) and to the corporation itself – up to the value of its assets (after sharing with all other creditors), and frees the owners from liability. This reduces the likelihood that victims will receive full compensation for corporate acts. Unlike an unincorporated entity, the act of the state in authorizing investors to act through corporations thus places the owners (and managers, who are similarly free from liability except for torts they may individually commit) in a position to shift some of the social costs of their business activity on to members of the public who have not agreed to bear those costs.

Because the shareholders (and employees and managers) bear no responsibility for the full magnitude of costs that corporate activities may impose on others, as an activity holds some promise of increasing shareholder wealth, limited liability for tort claims creates a moral hazard problem by leaving shareholders (and managers) with the possible upside benefits to such activities without regard for the full magnitude of possible social costs (which might greatly exceed the benefits).

This results in not simply in an unjust and uncontracted for shifting of risks from tortfeasor corporations to victims, but also inefficient resource allocation decisions – by shifting risks to those least positioned to anticipate or manage them, and by encouraging excessive entry and aggregate overinvestment in hazardous industries while not fully incentivizing investment in precautions.

Further, the limited liability of the corporate form greatly reduces incentives of shareholders to monitor corporate risk-taking, and frees executives to act in ways that further their own interests without bearing full responsibility for risks that are posed to third parties and to investors (which is quite evident in the activities leading up to the ongoing financial crisis).

The subject of limited liability has been much discussed recently; may I recommend the following?  [see my related post with links to discussions among legal scholars]

3.  Published: December 10, 2008 11:14 AM  (emphasis added)

In corporations, by government fiat none of the owners has unlimited liability, and the lack of control that investors or their transferees typically have is a reflection of that limited liability. Of course it is possible for shareholders to have actual control, whether in the case of close corporations or even large public ones, and courts sometimes “pierce the corporate veil” (very sporadically) to hold shareholders responsible for bad acts despite legal niceties.

Corporations are creatures of the state that could not exist in their current form without a transfer of risk that is neither voluntary nor fully compensated.

There is nothing objectionable in excluding bondholders or other voluntary creditors from unlimited liability; they can bargain for limited risks and certain controls over corporate action. The question is whether it is consistent with libertarian principles to limit the liability of ALL investors to those who are subjected unwillingly to damage resulting from the torts of the corporation.

While I am sympathetic to common investors in public corporations, who have bargained for the situations they find themselves in, and not for unlimited liability, the question of where we go from here is logically distinct from the question as to whether the course to the present situation is one that comports with libertarian principles.

It seems to me that it does not, and that we face any number of undesirable consequences as a result – not merely a shifting of risks to citizens that finds its counterpart in citizen pressure groups, but in a bifurcation of ownership and control that provides ample opportunity for executives to loot their firms. These come on top of the problems with rent-seeking and politicization that tie in with the growth of big government.

4.  Published: December 11, 2008 3:42 AM (emphasis in original)

TT: “Is there any libertarian argument that the state OUGHT to step in and allow investors to unilaterally shift a portion of the risks of their business venture to others who might be damaged by the activities of the business?”

SK: No, and the state should not exist. But people criticize corporations as being *mere* creatures of the state on the grounds that the state gives them privileges that would not exist in the free market.

TT: My point is simply that there is no libertarian argument that the state OUGHT to step in and allow investors to unilaterally shift a portion of the risks of their business venture to others who might be damaged by the activities of the business. I’m glad that you agree, and am puzzled that you do not acknowledge that the state grant of limited liability to investors (and to transferees of such investors) in corporations constitutes an uncontracted-for shifting of risks to investors from victims of corporate torts.

TT: “Without the act of state in creating limited liability for shareholders, such limited liability would not exist – except perhaps vis-a-vis creditors and business counterparties who might otherwise agree to limited their claims to the assets of the company, in exchange for agreed methods of risk control or higher prices. However, such limited liability could not otherwise exist as to Involuntary (or “tort”) creditors who without their consent are injured by the corporation, who have not agreed to assume the risk of corporate insolvency and shareholders’ limited liability, and who have neither received ex ante compensation for doing so nor had the opportunity to bargain for contractual safeguards.”

SK: Again: the question is, absent the state, should shareholders be vicariously liable for torts committed by employees, or not? The presumption is they should not, since they did not commit the acts–unless you can come up with a sound argument for why they should (and pointing to the way it’s been done before doesn’t cut it).

TT: Stephan, again you refuse to actually advance a justification for the government grant of limited liability to shareholders (indeed, you concede that, there is no libertarian argument for such a state grant), but simply argue for the status quo, on the grounds that shareholders don’t typically themselves do not commit the torts.

If there is no libertarian grounds for the use of government fiat to limit the liability that shareholders bear for the risks that the activities of the business might injure others, then surely the “presumption” you offer should be reversed, and you should advance a case that whether those who are injured by business enterprises should justly be forced to assume the risk that their ability to make claims against the assets of the business owners depends upon whether the business happens to be a sole proprietorship, a partnership or limited liability corporation.

TT: “My point is that limited liability lets investors entirely off the hook for damages that the wrongful acts of the corporation and its employees. While a few employees might individually be held responsible for their actions, this still may leave many injured persons uncompensated for injuries cause by a corporation’s business activities”

SK: You are assuming the “business activities” are “the cause”. This is question begging.

TT: Well said, Artful Dodger, but it’s not me who’s begging the questions. Putting aside (i) the question of the scope of vicarious liability WITHIN the firm and (ii) cases where there is a only one a single injured party and a single employee committing an unauthorized tort, it is undeniable that small, medium and large corporations have in the past and continue from time to time to commit large-scale torts – in the form of pollution, dumping of waste, defective products, other personal injuries, slander and the like – that arise directly from their business activities. In most such cases, no single individual tortfeasor within the corporation can be identified. Clearly, in some such cases a few employees might individually be held responsible for their actions, this still may leave many injured persons incompletely uncompensated for injuries caused by a corporation’s business activities.

TT: “Before limited liability corporations were established, the common law doctrine of respondeat superior required investors to bear responsibility for the acts of a business, just as individual proprietors and partnerships remain so liable today.”

SK: Why should they be? Because the common law says so?

TT: No; sole proprietors and partnerships have been and remain liable for the acts of a business because it is unjust to allow them to externalize a significant portion of the risks of their activities, while capturing the benefits of those risks. The state, by providing the corporate form, allows the externalization of such risks on a vast scale, and continues to do so by further making limited liability available for those who prefer to be taxed as partners. But to reverse the question, perhaps you care to point to libertarian principles or a common law doctrines (which libertarians frequently point to as a valid basis for determining the scope of ownership rights and who should be responsible for injuries caused to others) that would justify a position that those who own and operate businesses ought NOT to be responsible for the damages those business activities cause, beyond the assets of the business?

TT: “Again, you simply …. presume that the state action that leaves shareholders free to shift business risks to others is valid and justifiable. Even as you remain unwilling to make your case, I am happy to expand my argument that limited shareholder liability is an unlibertarian grant by the state to shareholders.”

SK: You need to explain why shareholders should be liable. You keep calling them investors–shareholders are usually not investors.

TT: Again, you are nonresponsive. Perhaps you should pick fewer nits and acknowledge the bigger picture. For small corporations, start-ups, and corporations raising capital, the shareholders typically are investors. Moreover, for small firms, closely-held firms (including large LBOs) and even for many large firms, there are major shareholders that are also clearly “owners”. You have advanced no libertarian or other argument that justifies limiting the liability of investors and owners at all for the torts of corporations; much less for your implied position that investors and owners should be able to freely slough-off any vicarious responsibility for damages to victims of corporate acts by the simple expedient of selling their shares to others (who, while they do not directly fund the company, are certainly investing in ownership of the same set of assets and liabilities as the initial investors).

TT: “The chief point, of course, is that the creation by the state of corporations limits tort liability to individual tortfeasors”

SK: It limits state-imposed vicarious tort liability. If the state stops taxing you, this is good, because it should not be taxing you in the first place. If the state stops imposing vicarious tort liability on shareholders, this is also good, if it should not be doing this in the first place. You seem to assume they should. why?

TT: Where does “the state” impose vicarious tort liability? Respondeat superior is largely an old and evolving part of the common law. I don’t agree with all cases, but individual judgments are hardly the same as the state acting by law to free shareholders from liability above the amount they paid for the shares for the risks generated by corporate activities.

TT: “This reduces the likelihood that victims will receive full compensation for corporate acts.”

SK: If a FedEx driver negligently crashes into you, why arey ou calling it a “corporate act”? He was not directed to do this by FedEx, was he? Why is his negligence theirs?

In any event–this whole critique is ridiculous. Whenever a corporation’s employee commits a tort, the victim is compensated by the corporation or its insurer. IT’s almost always irrelevant that he can’t sue shareholders individually. Even if they could, shareholders could simply purchase shareholder-liability-insurance, no biggie.

TT:  The grant of limited liability to involuntary creditors cannot be justified on libertarian grounds, and arguments I have noted regarding efficiency, moral hazards, equity, the disincentives for shareholders to closely monitor firms, the relative freedom of managers and executives to loot, and the related rise of citizen pressure groups to seek to have governments provide checks are all substantial and important.

While there are many cases where injured persons are compensated, there are many cases where corporations have generated widespread risks and failed, leaving countless others holding the bag, while investors (and managers) may have profited and then exited without substantial loss. The limited liability grant actually encourages such behavior.

You say that, if victims could “sue shareholders individually”, in which case “shareholders could simply purchase shareholder-liability-insurance, no biggie”. I heartily agree – a system of pro rata shareholder unlimited liability would work (as one of the law journal articles argues), as well as being more just. I appreciate the concession – so have you stopped fighting this point?

5.  Published: December 12, 2008 3:42 AM  (emphasis added)

Say you have an unincorporated sole proprietor who is engaged in manufacturing and produces is a hazardous or toxic waste. If he disposes it in a way that causes injury to others, he is liable – up to all of his assets (and even further, though it may be a bankruptcy law cut off and it not be worth the injured person’s efforts). If he hires one or more employees, he is responsible for any injuries if he directs them to dump the hazardous waste, or if they cut corners as a result of his negligent oversight.

If he incorporates, he will not be held responsible personally unless he committed the tort himself or directed it; his liability will be limited to the net assets of the firm. Clearly, the state grant of limited liaiblity lessens the ability of persons injured by his business activities to recover damages for their losses (they MIGHT be able to recover from the employee, but they will not have access to his personal assets). This creates a moral hazard on the part of the corporation owner to maximize private benefits from business activites while not having to worry about whether the full scope of losses may exceed the value of the gains. Courts recognize the injustice in this and sometimes “piece the corporate veil” to protect injured persons and even voluntary creditors.

The state grant of limited liability has made it possible for founding shareholders to gather even more capital from persons who know that their downside risks are limited and wish to capture upside benefits. As these shareholders have limited liability, they also have limited interest in making sure that risks are managed well. The result has been a continuing erosion of shareholder rights, a whithering of control over managers, and the growth of ever larger corporations able to impose ever larger risks on society (the downside of which they can further limit by separately incorporating different business lines, especially the riskier ones).

The focus on investors earning profits while bearing no personal responsibility for losses has given us a gradual shift in the nature of corporations (which now are given rights by the state to have unlimited lives and unlimited purposes, and are even recognized as “persons” for purposes of the Bill of Rights), a growth in corporate scale and risks posed to others (as shareholders, creditors and executives, managers and employees have increasingly less identifiable personal risk and more opportunity to look out for number one while ignoring risks), and a growth in citizens forming pressure groups to push for the regulation of firms and the risks they pose (mandating the posting of bonds for certain activites, mandating pollution clean up, etc.).

All fed by the state grant of limited liablity – which could only exist on a libertarian basis (without veil piercing) if a substantial owner was covering the risks.

6.  Published: December 15, 2008 6:21 AM  (emphasis added)

Stephan, thanks for the further remarks.

1. me: the state grant of limited liability to investors (and to transferees of such investors) in corporations constitutes an uncontracted-for shifting of risks to investors from victims of corporate torts.

you: “It’s not a shift if they don’t or shouldn’t have liability in the first place”

TT: Your conditional rejection obviously fails. Clearly state action is necessary to limit shareholders’ liability to the amunt of their investment, and a key aspect of the popularity of the limited liability corporate form over other forms is precisely that it limits the downside liability that shareholders would otherwise bear for the risks of damage that the activities of the company (via employees) pose to unconsenting others who are victims.

As new limited liability forms have been created (LLC and LLPs), once tax authorities have confirmed pass-through tax treatment, their use has exploded, precisely to limit prior liability for torts (and to voluntary creditors). Large public firms separately all of the various hazardous ventures (that they own and control) precisely because they want to limit liaibility to third parties that they would otherwise be exposed to.

2. Nice to see that you see no justification for the government grant of limited liability to shareholders in the first place, and that youy are not arguing for the status quo.

3. you: “there is no libertarian grounds for the state to *impose* liability on shareholders for acts of employees.”

I agree with your statement, but it dodges the real issues. The government acted in a unlibertarian fashion by establishing granting limited liability – previously, unlimited liability of investors for acts of a venture had been imposed not by the state, but by common understanding; as most ventures had no separate legal entity status, vicarious liability for torts was more narrowly applied, and wouldn’t always reach investors.

But with the corporate form, the scale of risks imposed increased and the legal entity was imputed by courts to be the master to which corporate employees reported. But this new “master” was accountable to no one directly, with an ability to seek gains for the benefit of shareholders while creating risks for others, without any requirement to maintain assets to make others whole for the risks imposed: dividends could be paid to shareholders from profits, but when liabilities arose, the firm could simply be shut down.

There are of course many firms where there are identifiable shareholders in charge, and who would have liability but for the corporate form.

4. “I have little interest in reading the works of a bunch of mainstream unlibertarian utilitarian state apologist lawyer hacks.”

Your call, but others may think that reading about the history of the rise of limited liaiblity corporations, some of the results (transfer of risks to parties who are injured without any ability to bargain ahead of time, and resulting pressures for the state to interfere FURTHER), consideratons of the equities and economic efficiency of the status quo, and suggestions for reform might be useful in understanding the full subject.

5. you: “absent the state, should shareholders be vicariously liable for torts committed by employees, or not?” “I’ve given my reasons and sketched out my view of a theory of causation.”

Sounds like I need to refer to the other thread, but certainly here you’ve done nothing of the kind here.

But as for an argument that shareholders should be vicariously liable for torts committed by employees, I could advance the following:

– there are many cases where a small group of shareholders clearly owns and controls a company, in which there is no basis to artificially limit vicarious liability to the company level. Such shareholders may be individuals that own a small firm or via and LBO own a very large firm that was once public, or may be corporations that own and control subsidiaries.

– without limited liability, shareholders of large firms would have been much more interested in limiting the risks of losses and damages that exceed company assets, and would have made sure that they were in a position to manage downside risks directly (through management of executives, managers and employees) and indirectly via insurance (which insurers would also be incentiivized to manage and price risks).

– Sure, there are many investors/shareholders of in “public” companies that have no ability to control corporate risks, but except for the state grant of limited liaiblity, there are no other such classes of shareholders.

– The imposition of large-scale risk of injuries by limited liaibilities on involuntary victims is unjust and inefficient, shareholders (and executives) are better placed to bear the risks, shifting to pro rata unlimited liability by shareholders would not destroy markets (insurers could step in, for a price), and moving to such umlimited liability would greatly reduce the pressures on (and rationales used by) governments to force corporations to disclose more risks, maintain greater capital, bonds and insurance.

6.  Published: December 11, 2008 4:54 AM

By the way, Stephan, I don’t consider myself an “anti-corporate type”, or an “anti-industrialist”, “socialist” or “left-libertarian” either.

I’m just an anti-uncontracted-for-limited-liaibility-for-torts” type. There are plenty of my type in the world of corporate lawyers, as I noted on the other thread.

7.   Published: December 15, 2008 5:02 AM (emphasis added)

Roger:

Kinsella has already established that the master is responsible for the actions of his servant, so corporations are responsible for employees. Anti-corps want the responbibility to go even further to the stockholders. But why stop there? Why not make the customers responsible too? And let’s throw in the bond holders. Then let’s add the suppliers. How about the relatives of stock and bond holders?

The corporation is a legal fiction. Are there any persons within it where the buck stops? Created in order to free investors from downside risks, the limited liability has removed incentives for investors to keep executives and managers under control and to monitor business risks. Although small corporations remain under investor control, the result has been the growth of large public companies that are owned but not controlled by shareholders, leaving discretion but limited downside risk to employees, managers and executives.

Of course I’m being ridiculous. My point is where do you draw the line of responsibility for the actions of coroporate employees? Stopping with the stockholders is an arbitrary judgement. You need some principle that can delineate who is responsible for the actions of another. Traditionally, that line is drawn where control of the actions of the other party ends.

As for line drawing, voluntary creditors are all able to investigate whom they deal with, and to negotiate risks and prices. Victims of torts are seldomly so situated. But the problem of corporations leaving real victims behind is precisely why governments have started to seek further pockets, such as lenders and suppliers (via Superfund laws, for example), to require firms to post bonds and maintain certain capital levels, and why governments have fallen to the temptation to heavily regulate “public” firms.

As for what “tradition” was and where lines used to be drawn, surely you recognize that before limited liability corporations were established, investors had unlimited liability for losses – and risks for widespread torts were much lower? Unlimited shareholder liability was once more common than limited liability, and large markets like Lloyds until recently required that all Names bear unlimited liability for losses. It used to be that most small businesses and partnerships were structured with unlimited liability; now with LLCs and LLPs, there is a rush into structuring as limited members, precisely to limit liabilities.

8.  Published: December 15, 2008 8:50 AM (emphasis added)

  • Stephan, I’ve responded on the initial post as well, but here’s a bit more on what you’ve written above.

    1. You: “But you say “shift” here, which smuggles in your presumption that shareholders have a natural or default liability. If they don’t, there’s no “shift.””

    I thinks it’s a fair and natural presumption that investors (as opposed to lenders, who have a claim only for interest and no residual claim for profits) have a natural default liability. This is still the case for sole proprietors and partnerships. “Shareholders” exist only because states created corporations as legal entities. Without such action, there would be at least one natural person to whom employees would have to answer and who would be responsible for risks posed by his business activities (loans and involuntary torts), up to the full amount of his personal assets.

    Yes, there is still the question of the range of vicarious liablity, but clearly even today business owners and partners are deliberately incorporating (using corporation, LLC and LLP forms) for the chief purpose of limiting personal liability for the acts of employees. And courts continue to pierce the corporate veil from time to time to reach shareholders as well.

    2. Me: “the state grant of limited liability to investors (and to transferees of such investors) in corporations constitutes an uncontracted-for shifting of risks to investors from victims of corporate torts.”

    You: “To me, what is wrong with it is that the state steps in and monopolizes a field, as it has done with transportation, power, education, defense, justice, money.”

    Me: I agree with what you think is wrong with state action, but in the case of granting the corporate form and granting limited liability, there have been a a number of pernicious consequences, one of which involves an externalization of risk of the kind I mention.

    This and other consequences all tend to encourage the further growth of the state, such as the pressures on the state to regulate corporations (with a vicous cycle of battles over control over government), and the use corporations as money and jobs banks.

    3. You: “As a libertarian, I don’t think the positivist arguments of some mainstream law profs are going to be that mind-blowing.”

    To each his own; they’re certainly relevant and provide useful background information.

    4. You: “All these actions are done by individuals–and if done as decisions of the managers, then they and the corporate assets probably ought to be liable. But why the shareholders, if they didnt make this decision?”

    In many cases the shareholders ARE in a position of control; should they be able to escape liability merely because they use the corporate form, as is the rule today? I think not.

    I agree that it is difficult to argue that minority and non-controlling shareholders in public firms bear any responsibility for acts of the corporation, since that was not a part of the bargain they understood that they were making when they acquired their shares and they largely have no actual ability to affect decisions that end up causing injury to others.

    6: You: “I dont tink it’s a nit. I assume you call them investors since you think giving money to the company is some kind of aiding and abetting that helps make them responsible. I’m pointing out they are not necessaril investors in the corporation.”
    Me: Stephan, I’m only discussing the difference a shareholder and an investor because you seem to think it’s importance. Anyone who acquires a newly issued share is an investor; anyone who buys one on a market is stepping into his shoes.

    7. Me: “For small corporations, start-ups, and corporations raising capital, the shareholders typically are investors.”

    You: “True. AS Hessen notes, the entity theory helps to insulate liabiltiy most egregiously in the close corporation case. Another strike against the fervor agains bigness.”

    Sorry, but I have no “fervor”. The insulation from liability is most obvious in the close corporation case, but some close corporations are huge (LBOs). But it’s the larger public co.s that are really shifting the greatest amount of risk to others, in the form of toxic torts and dangerous products.

    8. Me: “Moreover, for small firms, closely-held firms (including large LBOs) and even for many large firms, there are major shareholders that are also clearly “owners”.”

    You: I don’t konw what proving ownership status does. So waht? I will grant you that in some cases some shareholder wields such influence and direction over the firm that he ought to be as culpable as management for actions he helps direct. So what? My point is that *merely being a shareholder* is not by itself sufficient to attribute liability.”

    Thanks for the acknowledgment. The point’s obvious – “*merely being a shareholder* is not by itself sufficient basis to exclude a shareholder from liability. In addition there’s a larger point – without limited liability, shareholders would have had potentially unlimited liablility, and consequently would have been much more cautious about whom they invested in, and making sure that downside risk was closely managed.

    9. You: “I am in favor of a nuanced and fact-specific approach, as I laid out in my Causation piece w/ Tinsley. If you can show in a given case that a shareholder is causally responsible for torts of the corporation, get ‘im. I’m just saying you have not shown that merely being a shareholder makes this case. It takes something more.”

    I’m not opposed to a nuanced and fact-specific approach, but the fact is that the grant of limited liability has essentially eviscerated it.

    10. Me: “your implied position that investors and owners should be able to freely slough-off any vicarious responsibility for damages to victims of corporate acts by the simple expedient of selling their shares to others (who, while they do not directly fund the company, are certainly investing in ownership of the same set of assets and liabilities as the initial investors).”

    You: “Saying they invest in liabilities is a bit of question-begging. The question is: does the status of a person as a shareholder–having certain dividend and liquidation and director-voting rights–make you liable for what the corporation does? I don’t rest my own conlcusions on whether the state “officially” classifies the shareholder “as an owner.” I’m looking at the functional reality of what they are and do.

    I’m not begging any question; a shareholder who buys shares that aren’t fully paid up purchases may be required to contribute the rest of the capital, and a whole host of obligations may accompany shares in a close corporation. And I’m looking at the effect of the state grant of entity status and limited liability on what a shareholder’s bundle of rights and obligations is.

    11: Me: “Where does “the state” impose vicarious tort liability? Respondeat superior is largely an old and evolving part of the common law.”

    You: “Yes, and we are a new and modern creature called “libertarian,” not tradition- or state-law-worshipping positivists.”

    How about actually answering my question? Where does “the state” impose vicarious tort liability? The common law is not state-imposed. And surely you haven’t failed to notice that libertarians routinely refer to the common law as the reason why regulation isn’t needed (other than those like Rothbard who recognize that regulation is needed because corporations persuade judges to subvert it).

    12. Me: “You say that, if victims could “sue shareholders individually”, in which case “shareholders could simply purchase shareholder-liability-insurance, no biggie”. I heartily agree – a system of pro rataliabilityactivitiesactivitiesliability sharliabilityeholliabilityconsiderationsderincentivizedliabilityliabilitiesunlimitedliabilityresponsibilitycorporate unlimited liability would work (as one of the law journal articles argues), as well as being more just. I appreciate the concession – so have you stopped fighting this point?”

    You: “It’s not a concession. It’s pointing out that this is just a red herring on your part. You guys throw up limited tort liability as if it’s some huge advantage given to corps that allows them to survive. It’s not a huge advantage b/c removing it really doesn’t affect victims;a nd imposing it can easily be handled with a slight change of the already-existing insurance coverage. If we did this, not much would change, but I’m sure the anti-industrialist types would find something else to yap about. You are not *really* concerned with this–it’s just one of an arsenal of arguments you whip out to attack industry and busienss and “bigness” and capitalism and whatnot.”

    Stephan, first, I’m disappointed by your dismissive and somewhat offensive talk of “you guys” and what you presume my motives to be. I’m not an “anti-industrialist type”, and I’m here on my own and making my own points (which must mean I’m “yapping,” in your book). Second, raising the issue of limited tort liability is not a red herring, at least for me, and it’s not something I think corporations need to survive. I do think it’s very important because I think that real shifting or risk, moral hazard, corporate governance and other issues are intertwined and that underlies the whole politicized struggle over corporate regulation.

    Courts rarely find individuals responsible, other than for very deliberate torts, in part because negligence is attributed to the firm (and managers and executives are generally excused from liability for the negligent acts of employees) but chiefly because those injured – particularly where the damges affect many people – don’t bother chasing those without substantial assets.

    That it will seldom be the shareholders is a result of the state grant of limited liability – given such a grant, shareholders have no interest in monitoring, and no ability control, corporate/employee acts. Without such a grant, it would be a different story – which is why business partners are still running to limited liability forms, and leaving unlimited liability partnerships and sole proprietorships behind.

  • 9.  Published: December 16, 2008 5:10 AM (emphasis in original)

    You: Again: shareholders are not investors necessarily. In any case, you are question-begging. It’s not a fair presumption for the libertarian–that’s the issue here.

    While I would agree with you that there should be no presumption that shareholders SHOULD have tort liability – after all, that should be a decision that depends on the facts of particular cases – I think it’s pretty clear that the blanket grant of limited liability has in fact acted to shield shareholders (and initial investors) from tort liability.

    You: Yeah, like you mean, the President or CEO, or manager or boss? Sure. These guys run the company. Not shareholders.

    Yes, the guys who run the company ought to be liable, but in some cases, controlling shareholders as well. Most individuals simply don’t have the assets to cover all of the risks, so a blanket rule that stops tortfeasor liability with the firm is clearly wrong.. Note that there are no rules that require managers, executives or even firms to acquire insurance sufficient to cover all risks created by corporate activity.

    You: I don’t think so. It’s primarily for contractual liability limitation, which would continue to exist in a free society. Tort liability could easily be handled by insurance.

    Stephan, come on. The partnerships could contract for liability limitations without a limited liability form; they have been moving rapidly into LLCs and LLPs solely to slough off risk to their personal assets for torts; for the same reasons, big firms that are already corporations separately incorporate subs for dangerous activities in order to limit potential liability for damages (both for torts and to creditors).

    You: Yep, when formalities are not followed or a shareholder is too dominant and really acts as a manager.

    My point about veil-piercing is that such cases show that no general state grant of limited liability is justified. The doctrine itself is extremely inconsistently used, in part because given the legal grant of limited liability courts are reluctant to use their equity power.

    You: Well, if the state is abolished as we want, any “externalities” would go away.

    Yeah, “IF”. Until then, there is certainly a lot of externalization that takes place, which seems to excite a few people.

    You: Right, I agree. Thoguh even in today’s law, if a shareholder is in a position of control, it’s either (a) because he’s also a manager or director; or (b) he goes beyond his passive shareholder role and pushes the company to do his bidding. In case (a), he’s not protected by limited liability. In case (b), well,l of ten in such cases the corporate veil would be pierced, again reaching his personal assets.

    I am happy that you agree that shareholders in a position of control should not be able to escape liability merely because they use the corporate form.

    You: I actually think it’s got nothing to do w/ the bargain they thought they were entering, since A and B cannot contractually limit C’s tort-recover rights. However, I do agree w/ you that their ability to control is key. Now you appear to have swung in my direction on this.

    In any particular case, I agree with you that actual ability to control is key. But generally, the state grant of limited liability is wrong and should be repealed.

    Me: Stephan, I’m only discussing the difference a shareholder and an investor because you seem to think it’s importance.
    You: I think they are *different*. The investor *gives money to* the company. The shareholder *votes for directors*. Both are different ways of having an affect on the company. The advocate of vicarious liability could make a separate argument based on each action for liability. Both are flawed, but in different ways.

    I’m not sure that there’s a relevant distinction. If an investor provides money to a firm, he does so in exchange for a bargain of certain rights and liabilities; any purchaser simply steps into his shoes. Granted, if an investor or shareholder has separately taken actions that make him liable for a tort, that liability is not conveyed by a sale. I do not otherwise presume that a shareholder, by virtue of owning shares and having rights (and maybe an obligation to fully pay up shares), should become liable for the torts of others.

    You: Small companies cut all kinds of corners–tons of illegal dumpting etc. It’s decnetralized and harder to track. And of course the biggest polluter is the state–e.g., w/ its wars. In any event, I don’t see that teh danger of toxic torts implies that shareholders have vicarious liabiltiy for torts of others.

    I agree with you about small firms and the state, but large firms pollute – often as part of doing business with government – and generate risks too. The point is that the state grant of limited liability has as its purpose cutting off liability at the corporate level, thereby freeing shareholders. Without such a grant, investors and shareholders in firms would be much more careful about the risks that they generate.

    You: it’s not obvious to the anticorpo crusaders, who think it’s a Holy Crime to NOT impute liability to them! They “are” “owers,” after all!

    Thanks for the acknowledgement that *merely being a shareholder* is not by itself a sufficient basis to exclude a shareholder from liability. But there you go again, “yapping” about other people who aren’t on this thread!

    Me: In addition there’s a larger point – without limited liability, shareholders would have had potentially unlimited liablility,
    You: Auugh! No, they wouldn’t. Not if they were merely passive shareholders.

    I agree with you that merely passive shareholders probably would not have liability, but the potential risk is there that they would have to face. They could wall off the risk by insurance (which would put an insurer in a position to evaluate the riskiness of a business and the degree of insulation that a shareholder is afforded by how the rights of shareholders are structured), or self-insure by making a similar analysis. But absent the limited liability rule, no doubt some shareholders would opt for measures that ensure better management by the company of risks of injury to third parties.

    Me: I’m not opposed to a nuanced and fact-specific approach, but the fact is that the grant of limited liability has essentially eviscerated it.
    You: Probably; but none of us are in favor of a state grant of limited liability.

    Progress!

    You: We just think that the left’s focusing on this as the Root of All Evil is confused and misplaced.

    It does sound like it may be confused, but is it really misplaced? My own view is that without a state grant of limited liability on torts that we would see greater shareholder efforts to control the risks of injury to third parties, more responsible corporate behavior, more responsible management, fewer efforts by citizens groups to get government to impose asset/bonding requirements, to impose broader liability in pollution cases (Superfund), andliability toviscousdidn’t rdon’tegulate. There would be less vilification of corporations generally.

    Me: “How about actually answering my question? Where does “the state” impose vicarious tort liability? The common law is not state-imposed.
    You: sure it is; and in any event, it is not necessarily libertarian.

    Howliability about actually answering my question? Where does “the state” impose vicarious tort liability?

    You: No. I still think it’s unjust for them to have liability where it’s not warranted–it’s just that it would make little difference, which shows that this is just a straw man for the left–it masques their real issue which is hostility to modern business and capitalism.

    Again, I’m not “the left” (and off of this site I am considered radically right); it may be a strawman for some of them, but I actually think that the grant of limited liability has had serious pernicious affects and removing it would be a great positive step. Under libertarian principles, individuals are responsible to the full extent of their assets for their harms to others; the creation of legal entities with limited liability for torts has allowed for the massive generation of risks, without regard to whether such risks are backed by the assets of real individuals. Rather, such risks are cut off by fiat at the corporate level, allowing shareholders to take profits for the upside of gains but not having to bear downside risk. 

    To be continued.

    [Note: some typos have been fixed.]

    Oct. 17, 2019 Petition filed by Carlos Ghosn’s lawyer for Dismissal of Prosecution

    January 5th, 2020 No comments
    Note: The below is an English version of a Petition for Dismissal of Prosecution that was filed by Hiroshi Kawatsu, a member of Carlos Ghosn’s legal team, with the Tokyo District Court on October 17, 2019.
    It was posted in the “NBR’s_Japan_Forum” email forum. I have edited the formatting to improve readability. At this point, I have not seen the Japanese original.
    The attorney who apparently wrote this is Hiroshi Kawatsu, who is a partner in the Kasumigaseki-sogo Law Office (for twenty years) and is the Director of the Research Office for Criminal Affairs of the Japan Federation of Bar Associations. More on his background here:
    ——————————————————————————————————————————-
    To: Tokyo District Court, 17th Criminal Division Department 2019 Toku (Wa) No.14 Companies Act Violation Criminal Case Defendant: Carlos Ghosn Bichara
    Lead Defense Counsel:
    Intended Claims Document
    I. Petition for Dismissal of Prosecution
    October 17, 2019
    Hiroshi Kawatsu
    The prosecution of this case is based on an extremely illegal and prejudicial investigation, and is an abuse of the official authority of criminal prosecution for unfair purposes against a backdrop of discrimination against Mr. Carlos Ghosn’s race, nationality and social standing. This prosecution should be dismissed.
    1. Background — the Nissan-Renault integration “crisis”
    Mr. Carlos Ghosn, from the time that he became the COO of Nissan in June 1999, understood that the key to the success of the alliance was mutual respect of each company’s autonomy and culture. With a deep understanding of Nissan’s history and corporate culture, Mr. Ghosn spearheaded the “Nissan Revival Plan.” In just 2 years, Mr. Ghosn was able to turn Nissan, which had an interest-bearing debt of more than 2 trillion yen and was on the verge of bankruptcy, back to being a profitable company and grow into one of the world’s leading automakers. Mr. Ghosn was consistent in his stance of protecting Nissan’s corporate identity. Even after he became the CEO of both Nissan and Renault in April 2005, thereby becoming responsible to the shareholders
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    of not just Nissan but also Renault, his attitude, based on his management beliefs, never changed. Renault’s largest shareholder, the French government, occasionally began to talk about building the closeness of the alliance between the two companies, referring to it as “irreversible integration.” In 2015, Minister of Economy, Industry and the Digital Sector, Emmanuel Macron, increased the French government’s shareholding ratio of Renault, and then applied the Florange Law to Renault which doubles the voting rights of long-term shareholders. This enabled the French government to reinforce its voice with Nissan through Renault which owns 43.3% of Nissan stock. Even so, Mr. Ghosn did not change his policy. He made the French government recognize that Nissan was going to maintain its autonomy. He loved the company that is Nissan. Mr. Ghosn became the Director Chairman in April 2017, and Mr. Hiroto Saikawa (hereafter, “Mr. Saikawa”) replaced him as CEO. When Macron became President the same year, the pressure from the French government to move towards “irreversible integration” became stronger. Mr. Ghosn’s position to take a stand against the French government to protect Nissan’s autonomy did not change. However, at the same time, Mr. Ghosn came to think that there is no choice but to restructure the strategic partnership of the alliance in a way that can be explained to Nissan’s largest shareholder, Renault (the French government). Each company of the alliance would be placed under the umbrella of a newly incorporated holding company, and each company would get a say based on their performance. The French government ought to be satisfied with this new structure. Mr. Ghosn began to explain this idea to some of the directors
    of Nissan as well.
    Those in Mr. Ghosn’s inner circle, as well as other officers of the Company began to sense Renault’s (the French government’s) yearning for an integration with Nissan, and the subtle changes in Mr. Ghosn’s way of thinking. In particular, some of Nissan’s Japanese officers believed that the new structure of the alliance would essentially mean the “integration” of Nissan and Renault.
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    Nissan is one of the group companies of the “Nissan Konzern [Conglomerate]” which was a newly-rising zaibatsu [family-run conglomerate] of the pre-war era, and has been manufacturing cars under the Datsun brand since before the war. The founder, Yoshisuke Ayukawa’s lineage is one of a father who was a feudal warrior of the Choshu domain and a mother who was the niece of former senior statesman Kaoru Inoue during the Meiji period. Ayukawa was a powerful entrepreneur and politician who also served after the war as a member of the House of Councilors and as Supreme Economic Advisor in the Kishi Cabinet. The company name “Nissan” derives from one of the group companies, “Nihon Sangyo” [Japanese Industry]. Some also believed that Nissan’s integration with Renault would mean that a company with the history of having a role in Japan’s key industry would pass over to the hands of foreigners. This belief was shared not only among the directors of Nissan, but also among key figures in the Japanese government, beginning with the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry.
    2. Collusion between Nissan and the Task Force of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office
    After Mr. Ghosn stepped back as CEO in April 2017, Nissan’s business performance noticeably declined. Along with this, remarks by Renault (French Government), the largest shareholder, began to attract attention. The “integration” of Nissan and Renault became a realistic crisis to succeeding CEO, Mr. Saikawa, and other Japanese officers of Nissan.
    Around January 2018, the French government informed the Japanese government that it intended to integrate the management of Nissan and Renault. In response, the [Japanese] Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) sent a letter of opposition to the French Ministry of the Economy and Finance. Talks were held among the METI (Director-General Akihiro Tada, Manufacturing Industries Bureau), the French Ministry of the Economy and Finance (Director General Faure), the Agence des participations de l’État (APE) [French state holding agency] (Director Vial), among others, but no progress was made.
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    In February of the same year, Renault’s Board of Directors passed a resolution reappointing Mr. Ghosn as CEO until 2022. Nissan’s Japanese officers believed that the “integration” has increasingly become more realistic. Around March of the same year, Senior Managing Executive Officer Hitoshi Kawaguchi, Statutory Auditor Hidetoshi Imazu, and former Vice-Minister for International Affairs, Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry Masakazu Toyoda (who became a director of Nissan in June of the same year), with others, led a top-secret effort to form a group to investigate the “improper acts” of Mr. Ghosn. Their aim was to prevent the integration of Nissan and Renault by finding Mr. Ghosn’s “improper acts” and ousting him from Nissan. So as to absolutely ensure that non-Japanese officers including Mr. Ghosn and Mr. Greg Kelly would not find out, they went through a former prosecutor with the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office’s Task Force, Akihide Kumada and others, to consult with the prosecutors of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office’s Task Force, and while receiving their instructions, conducted a top-secret investigation to search for “improper acts” that could be established as a criminal case against Mr. Ghosn.
    They asked Senior Managing Executive Officer in charge of Legal and Compliance, Mr. Hemant Kumar Nadanasabapathy (hereafter, “Mr. Hari Nada”), and attorneys of one of Nissan’s legal advisers, the law firm of Latham & Watkins (L&W), to conduct an investigation of the companies affiliated with the alliance, not just in Japan but worldwide. Mr. Hari Nada and the attorneys at L&W sent out letters to the management of affiliate companies worldwide to cooperate with the investigation, to appear at the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office and comply with the interrogations by the prosecutors, and which outlined that related expenses, etc. would be borne by Nissan, etc. Mr. Hari Nada and L&W were deeply involved in the events that were the subject of the investigation in the first instance. Investigative activities led by them are a conflict of interest, and lack impartiality. They, who were themselves in charge of the investigation, cast a blind eye to their own “improper acts” as well as those of Mr. Saikawa and
    4
    other Japanese executives, while single-mindedly searching for “improper acts” by Mr. Ghosn. The purpose of this unjust and biased investigation was to restructure the relationship between Nissan and Renault (French government) by unseating Mr. Ghosn and preventing the “integration” of the two companies.
    The investigative team of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office accepted the results of such unfair and biased investigation and commenced their criminal investigation. Furthermore, as described below, they also engaged in illegal investigative activities in Lebanon, Brazil, France, etc. using Nissan and its attorneys at its beck and call.
    3. Illegal plea bargaining
    (1) Illegality of the objective
    The Public Prosecutors state that they reached an agreement with Mr. Hideaki Ohnuma (head of Nissan’s Secretariat Office; hereafter, “Mr. Ohnuma”) and Mr. Hari Nada (in charge of Nissan’s Legal Division) under the consultation and agreement program (the Japanese version of plea bargaining) of the 2016 Amended Code of Criminal Procedure to, in exchange for not indicting these two individuals, have them make witness statements and submit evidence to the prosecutors about the criminal charges against Mr. Ghosn who is believed to be an “accomplice.” However, this consultation and agreement (plea deal) was reached with the objective of ousting Mr. Ghosn from his position of Chairman and CEO of the Nissan- Renault-Mitsubishi Alliance based on discussions that were held between METI officials and the Japanese senior management executives of Nissan.
    The objective is completely different from the intended purpose of the program, which is to, in cases where it is difficult to uncover the truth by conventional methods, offer accomplices advantageous prosecutorial treatment in exchange for cooperation with the investigation and prosecution of the case, so as to uncover the truth and prosecute the case appropriately.
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    (2) The actual party is Nissan
    The prosecutors claim that of the criminal charges that have been alleged against Mr. Ghosn, consultations were held and an agreement reached with Mr. Ohnuma and Mr. Hari Nada regarding only the Financial Instruments and Exchange Act violations case (falsification of securities reports), and that as a result of plea bargaining on matters related only to those charges, those charges were dropped against these two individuals, but nothing could be further from the truth. First, these two individuals are not the actual parties in the plea bargain. It was the attorneys that were hired by the corporate entity of Nissan and its Japanese senior management executives that brought the case to the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, cooperated with prosecutors, and reached an agreement. These attorneys were hired by Nissan for the purpose of searching for “improper activities” that would make Mr. Ghosn a suspect and, together with attorneys from L&W, communicated with the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office and conducted an “investigation” — the search for something with which to charge Mr. Ghosn.
    As a result of the “investigation,” Nissan and the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office determined that Mr. Hari Nada and Mr. Ohnuma could potentially be charged as accomplices in the case involving violations of the Financial Instruments and Exchange Act and the case involving violations of the Companies Act, and decided to adopt a scheme in which Mr. Hari Nada and Mr. Ohnuma would be made the parties to a plea deal. Mr. Hari Nada and Mr. Ohnuma did not take the initiative on their own, nor make the decision on their own will, to cooperate with the prosecution of Mr. Ghosn. They were persuaded by Nissan — the Japanese senior management executives and Nissan’s attorneys — and merely signed the written agreement in obeyance of basically what was a “Company order.” This kind of application of the consultation and agreement program goes against its intended purport, and is illegal.
    6
    (3) Legal procedures were not carried out for crimes that were subject to plea bargaining
    The content of the written agreements with Mr. Ohnuma and Mr. Hari Nada (Kou Exhibit 147, Kou Exhibit 148) in which the prosecutors demanded the examination of evidence state that an agreement was reached regarding the case involving violations of the Financial Instruments and Exchange Act, but there is no reference to the case involving violations of the Companies Act which is also a charge of the action — that an agreement was executed with Shinsei Bank that switched the party to swap agreements to Nissan (the charged facts in relation to the swap agreements), that payment of 14.7 million dollars was made to Khaled Juffali (the charged facts in relation to KJC), and that payment of 5 million dollars was made to Suhail Bahwan Automobiles (SBA) (the charged facts in relation to SBA). However, both Mr. Ohnuma and Mr. Hari Nada have provided witness statements regarding the case involving violations of the Companies Act (e.g. Kou Exhibits 40 through 44, Kou Exhibits 149, Kou Exhibits 174, Kou Exhibits175 of the Companies Act violation case).
    With Mr. Ohnuma and Mr. Hari Nada, the prosecutors have engaged in plea deals in an informal manner, not based on the provisions of the law (to have accomplices make statements that implicate others in a crime by inducing them with advantages). It is illegal to engage in virtual plea bargaining without following the legal procedures, and it is not permissible to allow the resulting statements and evidence.
    (4) An “under-the-table deal” was made
    It was neither Mr. Ohnuma, the individual, nor Mr. Hari Nada, the individual, that brought up the idea of a plea deal with the prosecutors. It was Nissan, the company, its Japanese senior management executives, and the attorneys they hired, that proposed the criminal prosecution [of Mr. Ghosn] to the Task Force of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, and
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    proactively promoted the transaction consisting of providing evidence and witness testimony from those involved in exchange for not prosecuting them. As a result, consultations and agreements were effectively carried out between Nissan CEO Mr. Saikawa and multiple other individuals at Nissan, and the prosecutors of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office’s Task Force regarding the provision of testimony and evidence disadvantageous to Mr. Ghosn in exchange for the dropping of criminal charges against such individuals.
    In particular, Mr. Saikawa is a submitter of the Annual Securities Reports said to contain “misstatements” in relation to Mr. Ghosn’s director compensation in the Financial and Instruments Exchange Law violation case. Furthermore, he himself is the person who approved and decided the payment from the “CEO reserve” in the Companies Act violation case. It is clear that he was investigated as a suspect in these cases, and that the Tokyo District Public Prosecutor’s Office did not prosecute him in exchange for providing testimony and evidence that is disadvantageous to Mr. Ghosn. However, the Toyo District Public Prosecutor’s Office has not revealed whether a consultation and agreement has been made with Mr. Saikawa, and has refused to respond to requests for disclosure of evidence regarding this.
    There are numerous other directors and employees of Nissan other than Mr. Saikawa that were involved in the acts stated in the prosecutors’ charges in this matter. Facing threats displayed by Nissan and the prosecutors that they may be subject to criminal prosecution, they were pressured to make statements in accordance to the wishes of Nissan and the prosecutors – statements that Mr. Ghosn behaved like a “dictator,” and that because they couldn’t defy his authority, they had no choice but to take part knowing it was wrong. It was based on this kind of an extensive “under-the-table deal” and unjust inducements that the indictment was carried out.
    4. Illegal search and seizure
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    (1) Seizure of attorney Mr. Fadi Gebran’s personal computer and HDD, etc.
    Mr. Ghosn’s personal residence that is also used as an office located in Beirut is managed by a local company called Phoinos, and Ms. Amal Abou Jaoude who was the representative of Phoinos was in charge of managing its affairs. Her salary and other expenses were paid by Nissan Middle East. Ms. Amal Abou Jaoude had at one time worked as a secretary of attorney Fadi Gebran, who passed away in August 2017, and managed the computer and other items he had left behind, as well as took care of his remaining affairs.
    On November 19, 2018 (Beirut time), attorneys from L&W stole attorney Fadi Gebran’s PC and HDD which Ms. Amal managed, from her in Beirut. This PC and HDD contained a large amount of personal information such as email exchanges between attorney Fadi Gebran and his clients. The so-called evidence that prosecutors say they have obtained in this case as a result of analyzing the emails of attorney Fadi Gebran, etc. (for example, Kou Exhibit 182 forward of the Companies Act violation case) were discovered from the PC and HDD that the attorneys from L&W and others took without permission at this time.
    They raided Ms. Amal Abou Jaoude’s office, and invaded Mr. Ghosn’s empty home while consulting with the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office in advance, and stole the PC, HDD and the contents saved therein without the consent of the proprietors, such as attorney Fadi Gebran’s surviving family and his clients. Acting as the hands and feet of the Tokyo prosecutors, they committed crimes of stealing data from other’s PC and HDD. The use by an investigator of a private citizen to carry out a search and seizure in order to circumvent the requirements of the warrant system (Article 35 of the Japanese Constitution) is, in itself, a serious illegal act that effaces the principles of the warrant system. It is also illegal and impermissible that the investigation authorities of the Japanese government use a private citizen, circumventing the formal legal process to gather information abroad where its investigative authority does not reach.
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    Furthermore, an enormous volume of communications with clients and documents prepared for clients was saved in attorney Gebran’s PC and HDD. These [communications and documents] are strongly protected as attorney-client privilege, not only within Lebanon, but around the world by international human rights laws, domestic constitutions and domestic laws. If this were not the case, one would not be able to solicit [services] from attorneys overseas with respect to international matters. The Tokyo District Public Prosecutor’s Office, as well as the L&W attorneys, seized these being fully aware that they contained a large amount of information subject to the attorney-client privilege.
    The admissibility of evidence obtained as a result of such an illegal investigation must, of course, be denied. However, the illegality of the investigation and prosecution in this case is not something that can be straightened by simply excluding part of the evidence.
    (2) Invasion of home/office in Rio de Janeiro
    Mr. Ghosn’s personal residence that is also used as an office located in Rio de Janeiro is managed by a company called Hamsa, and Ms. Vania Rufino was in charge of managing its affairs. On November 19, 2018 (local time), an employee of Nissan Brazil made an unannounced visit to Ms. Ruffino’s office and questioned her asking such things as, “Did you do personal work for Carlos Ghosn?” In addition to a cell phone, PC, etc., all documents were also seized, and without providing any reason, Ms. Rufino was ordered to take a leave of absence. After that, the employee of Nissan Brazil proceeded to lock Mr. Ghosn’s house so that Mr. Ghosn or any of his family could not enter the home.
    This, too, was nothing other than an illegal search and seizure that was conducted upon discussion between the Japanese prosecutorial authorities and Nissan.
    (3) Search and Seizure in Tokyo on April 4, 2019
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    Early in the morning around 5:50 am on April 4, 2019, the Task Force of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office arrested Mr. Carlos Ghosn on charges of violation of the Companies Act. At the time of his arrest, the Task Force also confiscated a personal computer, 3 smartphones, and a passport (issued by the country of Lebanon) that belonged to Mr. Ghosn’s wife, Mrs. Carole Ghosn, who was at the restricted residence where Mr. Ghosn was arrested. Mrs. Carole Ghosn who was shaken with fear was then intimidated and made to say the passwords on the smartphones.
    The prosecutors claim that this seizure was a legitimate seizure carried out on the basis of a legally obtained search and seizure warrant. However, that warrant covered Mr. Ghosn’s belongings inside of his home, not Mrs. Carole Ghosn’s. The prosecutors deceived the court by lying that Mrs. Carole Ghosn’s PC, smartphones and passport were Mr. Ghosn’s possessions. The prosecutors and administrative officers of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office who were involved in this search and seizure seized Mrs. Carole Ghosn’s PC, smartphones and the like having full knowledge of this.
    Mrs. Carole Ghosn’s PC and smartphones that were seized based on this illegal search and seizure also included many e-mails and other communications between her and her lawyers. This is clearly an infringement of Mrs. Carole’s attorney-client privilege.
    The PC and smartphones seized from Mrs. Carole also included data that related to communications between Mr. Ghosn and his lawyers. Furthermore, the notebook that Mr. Ghosn used while he was detained in the Tokyo Detention House to exchange information with his lawyers was also seized. Needless to say that this is illegal and a violation of Mr. Ghosn’s right to consult with his lawyers (Article 34 of the Constitution, Article 39, Paragraph 1 of the Criminal Procedure Code).
    This illegal search and seizure should result of course in the exclusion of evidence; however, beyond that, this illegal [act], coupled with the other illegal [acts], invalidates the entirety of the
    11
    prosecution in this case.
    5. Infringement of the right to a speedy trial
    It was from around the Spring of 2018 that the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, together with Japanese top management officials at Nissan, began investigating Mr. Ghosn’s “improper activities” as well as engaged in investigative activities related to the violations of the Financial Instruments and Exchange Act and the Companies Act which became the causes of action. Yet, they broke up the facts that were the subject of the investigation into small pieces and detained Mr. Ghosn repeatedly. With respect to the Financial Instruments and Exchange Law violation case, they even repeated arrests for every fiscal year. With respect to the Companies Act violation case as well, irrespective of the fact that they had obtained statements from Nissan directors by the beginning of 2019, they delayed the timing of his arrest. Moreover, they arrested Mr. Ghosn for the fourth time for violation of the Companies Act just as he was about to start preparing for trial for the case he was released on bail and indicted. As a result, Mr. Ghosn was held in custody for as many as 130 days.
    Even with regard to the pretrial conference procedures, the prosecutors took as many as 4 months to submit the facts that they sought to prove. Also, the prosecutors delayed their answers to requests that were made by Mr. Ghosn’s attorneys for the disclosure of evidence, and failed to make clear when the evidentiary disclosure period would end. Furthermore, the prosecutors are engaging in illegal acts, violating legal requirements such as by limiting the disclosure to viewing by Mr. Ghosn’s attorneys only and by deleting electronic data subject to disclosure at Nissan’s request. They are returning evidence seized at Nissan’s request, ignoring Mr. Ghosn’s attorneys’ request for disclosure of evidence. As a result, the Companies Act violation case is still remiss, and similarly with respect to the Financial Instruments and Exchange Law violation case for which [Mr. Ghosn] was indicted in December 2018, the disclosure of evidence has not been
    12
    completed, nor is there even an outlook for completion.
    In this way, the defense’s preparations have been obstructed and delayed, while on the other hand, the prosecutors continue to this day to conduct “supplementary investigations” by obtaining statements and evidence from involved persons residing overseas based on investigational assistance from the relevant foreign governments. They are still continuing the investigation that should have been completed prior to indictment. Even now, after more than 10 months since the initial indictment, there is no timeline for the start of a trial.
    Mr. Ghosn’s right to a speedy trial (Article 37, Paragraph 1 of the Japanese Constitution; Article 14, Paragraph 3(C) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) has already been seriously infringed.
    6. Illegal interference with personal life
    From around March 6, 2019, ever since Mr. Ghosn was released on bail, Mr. Ghosn and his family have been followed by police officers or their affiliates. They are not inconspicuous in the way that they follow Mr. Ghosn and his family members, and in fact, linger around them in plain sight. This constant monitoring of Mr. Ghosn and his family even after his release has caused them mental anguish in their daily lives. This is a violation of Mr. Ghosn’s right to privacy and right to a peaceful everyday life.
    Mr. Ghosn is not a terrorist, nor a member of an organized crime group. He is an international company executive. There is no legitimate reason, anywhere, for having to monitor him for the safety of the local community. Under this situation where Mr. Ghosn and his family are subject to regular psychological persecution by the investigational and prosecutorial authorities, Mr. Ghosn clearly cannot engage sufficiently in his defense activities. Mr. Ghosn’s right to a fair trial (Article 14, Paragraph 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; Article 37, Paragraph 1 of the Japanese Constitution) is also being compromised.
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    7. Information leaks and comments about guilt
    The prosecutors told some members of the media in advance about the pending arrest of Mr. Ghosn before his actual arrest, thereby enabling them to report on the scene of his arrest at Haneda Airport. The prosecutors then repeatedly leaked one-sided and arbitrary information about their investigation to the media, such as that there is an abundance of evidence that shows Mr. Ghosn’s guilt: that agreements with Mr. Ghosn pertaining to his compensation had been obtained from those involved at Nissan (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, November 27, 2018, evening edition), that there is evidence that future payments of compensation had already been fixed (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, November 29, 2018, morning edition), or that “there are documents outlining payment methods” (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, December 11, 2018), thereby giving the impression that there was abundant evidence of Mr. Ghosn’s guilt. The prosecutors, even though they still to this day have not proven anything, continued to leak information one after the next to suggest there was ample evidence to support the suspicion of aggravated breach of trust, such as that: a total of 14.7 million dollars was remitted in 4 installments from a subsidiary of Nissan to an acquaintance in Saudi Arabia (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, December 22, 2018, morning edition); “funds in excess of 5 billion yen were caused to be disbursed from Nissan to the companies of 2 acquaintances in the Middle East” (Nihon Keizai Shimbun Newspaper, January 4, 2019); an executive of a sales distributor in Oman to which 3.5 billion yen was disbursed from a “CEO discretionary reserve” that is “under the direct jurisdiction” of Mr. Ghosn “paid approximately 1.6 billion yen as payment for a cruiser” that was purchased by a company in which Mr. Ghosn is involved (Nihon Keizai Shimbun Newspaper, January 11, 2019); “There is suspicion that Nissan funds were funneled to former Chairman Ghosn through GFI” (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, April 4, 2019, morning edition), etc.
    The prosecutors continued to make one-sided comments that assumed Mr. Ghosn’s guilt such
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    as that: “there was a cover-up to hide executive compensation” (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, December 2, 2018, morning edition); “the Saudi business man [Juffali] has no actual business entity” (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, December 26 2018); “falsifications were made to make it appear as though approval of the Board of Directors was obtained for the switching [of contract parties]” (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, December 30, 2018); based on e-mails and the like that remained in a personal computer at the offices of a lawyer in Beirut, “it has been determined that the suspect, Ghosn, essentially owned GFI and allocated Nissan funds for private use” (Sankei Shimbun Newspaper, April 9, 2019, morning edition), etc. Based on these arbitrary and one- sided comments by the prosecutors, the media incessantly painted Mr. Ghosn as a villain who exploited the company for personal gain.
    Meanwhile, the prosecutors also provided information about the investigation to the media that was in line with the interests of Nissan and its Japanese senior management executives such as that: Shinsei Bank demanded that the approval of the Board of Directors of Nissan be obtained, but Mr. Ghosn rejected it (Asahi, December 23, 2018, morning edition); Charges have been dropped against President and CEO Hiroto Saikawa who was accused of violating the Financial Instruments and Exchange Act due to “lack of evidence” (Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, May 18, 2019, morning edition), etc.
    The media outlets competed in continuing coverage that was based on such information from the prosecution and in line with their intensions. As a result, Mr. Ghosn’s public reputation did a 180 from being the “’savior’ and ‘charismatic management executive’ who ‘saved Nissan which was in crisis on the brink of bankruptcy, and growing it into a world-class company’” to “a dictator that exploited the company to fatten his own wallet.” By now, his “improper activities” are treated as unquestionable facts, and the focus has moved onto “recurrence prevention.” In such an environment, there is no denying that it will be a virtual impossibility to have a fair trial in which Mr. Ghosn is afforded his right to a presumption of innocence and his right to an
    15
    adequate defense.
    Be that as it may, the prosecutors’ frequent leaks of information about the investigation while the prosecution of the case has been ongoing as well as comments made by them that assume the guilt of Mr. Ghosn are in and of themselves occupational crimes by the prosecutors, or comparable illegal acts.
    The act of a prosecutor leaking information about the investigation to the media is “an act of leaking secrets that were learned in an official capacity on the job” (Article 100, Paragraph 1 of the National Public Service Act), which is itself a crime (Article 109, Item 12 of the National Public Service Act). As explained above, in this case, due to such crimes committed by the prosecutors, Mr. Ghosn has been denied of his right to receive a fair criminal trial (Article 14, Paragraph 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; Article 37, Paragraph 1 of the Japanese Constitution) which is a basic human right.
    In this case, even though Mr. Ghosn has not been found guilty through a trial, he has repeatedly been publicly assumed guilty through the media at the hands of the prosecutors who are national public servants. This is a violation of another basic right of Mr. Ghosn, the right to be presumed innocent (Article 14, Paragraph 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; Article 11, Paragraph 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights).
    8. A cozy relationship with Japanese officers at Nissan and the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry
    In Japan, prosecutors, who have a monopoly of authority over criminal prosecution, and furthermore, who are “given a broad range of discretionary power” in exercising said authority (Judgment of the Supreme Court of Japan, December 17, 1980, 1st Petty Bench Decision, Criminal Procedure Code precedent 34-7-672, p. 675) are not permitted to act simply as a unilateral party in a lawsuit. Prosecutors are not allowed to be a servant to some, or an advocate
    16
    for a private benefit, and must carry out their functions impartially and avoid all discrimination as to race, nationality, etc. (Article 13 (A) of the United Nations Guidelines on the Role of Prosecutors), “in representation of the public interest” for the purpose of demanding “the proper application of the law in court” (Article 4 of the Public Prosecutor’s Office Act).
    In this case, the prosecutors of the Task Force of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office ignored this most basic of professional obligations of a prosecutor, and acted as a tool for realizing the objectives of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry and Nissan’s Japanese senior management executives to prevent Nissan from becoming a French company. The prosecutors aided the objective to oust Mr. Ghosn by searching for “improper activities” committed by him and to building a criminal case against him, and used tax money to help them to that end. The prosecutors held discussions with Nissan’s Japanese senior management executives and the attorneys that represented them, and abused the “consultation and agreement (plea bargaining) system” so as to give one-sided consideration to Nissan’s interests. The prosecutors circumvented the requirement of obtaining a warrant and infringed on national sovereignty by using Nissan’s employees and attorneys as tools for carrying out their investigation overseas. The prosecutors, in order to shift the public’s focus away from these one-sided and unfair investigational prosecutorial activities and to gain the support of public opinion, committed the crimes of violating confidentiality and repeatedly leaking information about the investigation. The prosecutors, when asked during the pretrial conference procedure about their information leaks asserted that, “We believe there hasn’t been something like this,” which is factually impossible. And the prosecutors have delayed the disclosure of evidence to defense counsel, and moreover refused the disclosure itself in response to Nissan’s requests.
    9. Prosecution based on an illegal investigation
    This indictment could not have been realized without the egregiously illegal investigation
    17
    involving white-collar crimes by public servants as described thus far, and constitutes “a case in which the illegal nature of investigative procedures is material, where the indictment would have been impossible or extremely difficult unless the illegal procedures were predicated, and in that sense, is a case in which the two situations are closely related and inseparable” (Judgment of the High Court of Sendai, October 17, 1967, High Court Decision Criminal Procedure Code precedent 20-5-699, p. 706).
    Therefore, this case must be dismissed (Id.).
    10. Arbitrary and discriminatory exercise of the authority of prosecution
    This investigation originated with the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry and the Japanese senior management executives of Nissan who wanted to prevent the “irreversible integration” of Nissan and Renault and stop Nissan from becoming a French company, and with the aim of ousting Mr. Ghosn who, as CEO of Renault, was working to facilitate the integration of Nissan and Renault, searched for “improper activities” on the part of Mr. Ghosn, and bring criminal charges against Mr. Ghosn for such activities, requested the cooperation of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office by way of conducting an investigation that included plea bargaining. The Task Force of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office complied with this request and commenced an investigation into this matter. In carrying out their investigation, as described above, the prosecutors only took Nissan’s interests into account and worked collusively with Nissan and its attorneys. In this case, there is no doubt that Mr. Ghosn has been discriminated against based on his race, nationality and/or social status. This investigation and prosecution is a case of “the defendant being treated unfairly and unfavorably in an investigation compared to general cases because of their ideology, religion, social status, lineage, etc.” (Judgment of the Supreme Court of Japan, 2nd Petty Bench decision, June 26, 1981, Criminal Procedure Code precedent 35-4-426, p. 429, Akasakicho Case). This is a violation of Article 14 of the Japanese
    18
    Constitution, and is also in violation of Article 13(A) of the United Nations Guidelines on the Role of Prosecutors.
    As explained above, this criminal prosecution has been based on extremely illegal investigation activities that constitute professional crimes. In addition, the prosecution itself cannot be said to have been carried out “in representation of the public interest” for the purpose of demanding “the proper application of the law in court” (Article 4 of the Public Prosecutor’s Office Act). This prosecution falls under the category of “an extreme case in which the prosecution of the case itself constitutes a professional crime” (Judgment of the Supreme Court of Japan, 1st Petty Bench, December 17, 1980, Criminal Procedure Code precedent 34-7-672, p. 676, Chisso-Kawamoto Case).
    Therefore, this prosecution is unconstitutional, illegal, and invalid.
    II. Statute of Limitations
    1. With respect to the indictments stated in the Charging Sheet, dated January 11, 2019 (excluding, however, the one with payment date of March 27, 2012), the seven-year statute of limitations period (Article 250, Paragraph 2, Section 4 of the Code of Criminal Procedure) has passed, and the statute of limitations has expired. A judgment should therefore be rendered to dismiss them (Article 337, Paragraph 4 of the Code of Criminal Procedure).
    2. Article 255, Paragraph 1 of the Code of Criminal Procedure specifies that, “where the offender is outside Japan,” the statute of limitations shall be suspended during the period when the offender is outside Japan. In regard to this point, with respect to the meaning of “where the offender is outside Japan,” a judgment by the Supreme Court of Japan, 1st Petty Bench on October 20, 2009, Keishu Vol. 63, No. 8, p. 1052 (hereinafter, the “2009 judgment”) ruled that “according to Article 255, Paragraph 1 of the Code of Criminal
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    Procedure, even in cases of temporary overseas travel, time during which an offender is outside Japan is interpreted as suspending the statute of limitations.” However, that ruling is not applicable to this case.
    Rather, considering the legislative purpose and history of the system for suspending the statute of limitations, the interpretation of the requirement “where the offender is outside Japan” should be limited to not include overseas travel of less than two months.
    1. As an initial matter, this case is completely different from the 2009 judgment. Specifically, given that the purpose of Article 255, Paragraph 1 of the Code of Criminal Procedure concerns difficulty in the service of charging sheets, since the case of the 2009 judgment relates to Japanese nationals who were working in real estate brokerage, construction, and employment of foreign technical interns, it is believed to be a case where a “workplace” at which to effect service other than the defendant’s address or residence (Article 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, and Article 103, Paragraph 2 of the Code of Civil Procedure) could not be identified. In contrast, Mr. Ghosn was working consistently at Nissan’s main office, so service could have been effected at his workplace at any time, and there would have been no difficulty whatsoever in serving him charging sheets.
    2. In addition, considering the legislative purpose and history of the statute of limitations system, the ruling of the 2009 judgment is not applicable to this case.
    (1) Given that the system for the statute of limitations exists, the benefit to defendants,
    namely not being prosecuted after time has passed, is protected by law. As such, provisions depriving such benefits should be interpreted narrowly and in line with their substantial grounds.
    (2) Furthermore, relative to when the 2009 judgment was made, new mutual legal assistance treaties with the E.U. and Russia have also come into effect, and there has actually been a marked increase in the number of cases where mutual assistance for investigations
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    has been given. Therefore, there has also been a reduction in the degree of difficulty occurring in investigations when defendants are outside Japan.
    (3) Considering the legislative history in the first place, given that the purpose of suspending the statute of limitations concerns difficulty in serving transcripts of charging sheets, since transcripts of charging sheets can be served in the event of temporary overseas travel, and in light of the aforementioned reduction in the difficulty of investigation, etc., there is scant substantial reason at this point to deprive this benefit.
    Thus, cases where an individual who has a residence and workplace in Japan engages only in temporary overseas travel (specifically, overseas travel of less than two months, which is specified as the period to serve charging sheets (Article 271, Paragraph 2 of the Code of Criminal Procedure)) should be interpreted as not suspending the statute of limitations. Accordingly, in relation to Mr. Ghosn, who has a residence and workplace in Japan, the statute of limitations is not suspended for periods of overseas travel in which he re-entered Japan within two months from the date he left the country.
    1. Calculated excluding overseas travel of less than two months, of the [indictments] in Charging Sheet No. 2, dated January 11, 2019, the end date for the statute of limitations for the one with payment date of March 9, 2011, is August 7, 2018. Therefore, at the time of the indictment, the statute of limitations had already expired.
      Among the indictments stated in this Charging Sheet, the statute of limitations has also similarly
      expired for those acts that were completed on March 9, 2011, or earlier.
    2. Thus, among the indictments concerning Mr. Ghosn, the statute of limitations has expired for the indictments stated in the Charging Sheet, dated January 11, 2019 (excluding, however, the one with payment date of March 27, 2012). A judgment should therefore be
      rendered to dismiss them (Article 337, Paragraph 4 of the Code of Criminal Procedure).
    III. Charged facts regarding the swap contracts
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    1. Mr. Ghosn is innocent.
    1. (1)  There is no recognizable act committing an aggravated breach of trust in executing the novation agreement in this case because the act is not one that gave rise to an actual risk that Nissan would incur a “financial loss” (Company Act, Article 960 (1)).
    2. (2)  No “financial loss” (Company Act, Article 960 (1)) was inflicted on Nissan whatsoever.
    3. (3)  No intent (Criminal Code, Article 38 (1)) can be recognized either, because Mr. Ghosn
      was unaware of and did not affirm inflicting “financial loss” on Nissan.
    4. (4)  It is also not recognizable that the purpose of executing the novation agreement in this case was in contemplation of “his own interests or the interests of a third party”
      (Companies Act, Article 960 (1)) because the purpose contemplated the interests of Nissan.
    2. (1) In 1999, Mr. Ghosn came to Japan and became a director to turn Nissan around. Because Mr. Ghosn’s family resided in the U.S. and their living costs were generally based on U.S. dollars, he asked to be paid in U.S. dollars; however, Nissan refused to do so. Therefore, from around 2002, Ghosn entered into foreign exchange swap agreements with financial institutions to periodically sell Japanese yen and purchase U.S. dollars.
    (2) At the recommendation of a representative at Shinsei Bank, who stated that U.S. dollars can be purchased at favorable rates, Mr. Ghosn entered into the swap agreements between Canayany and Shinsei Bank. The purpose of the swap agreements was to exchange the yen that Mr. Ghosn received as remuneration from Nissan into dollars, and Shinsei Bank created the agreements based on Mr. Ghosn’s current and future yen cash flow. While the swap agreements provided that a certain amount of dollars will have to be purchased at a below-market exchange rate when the dollar/yen exchange rate was 100 yen or 80 yen or below per dollar, from 1999 (when Mr. Ghosn came to Japan) until 2007, not once did the
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    dollar drop below 100 yen.
    (3)  The bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in September 2008 triggered a worldwide financial crisis. Because of the rapid appreciation of the yen, and at the same time the drastic decline of stock prices, the collateral Mr. Ghosn had offered Shinsei Bank based on the swap agreements became insufficient. After October 24, 2008, the person in charge at Shinsei Bank requested Mr. Ghosn for an immediate increase in collateral, or to terminate and pay penalty fees. In the midst of the financial crisis, it was not possible for Mr. Ghosn to procure the collateral required by Shinsei Bank in just a few days, and in order to terminate the contract and pay the penalty fees, Mr. Ghosn’s only option was to resign from Nissan and apply the retirement allowance to the payment. However, leaving Nissan in the midst of the financial crisis would cause irreparable harm to the company, and was not an option that Mr. Ghosn could choose. Mr. Ghosn proposed guaranteeing the obligations himself under the swap agreements to Shinsei Bank but Shinsei Bank rejected the proposal, and the idea was presented that Nissan’s guaranty would be acceptable. In this context, the proposal of shifting the contractual status of the swap agreements to Nissan until Mr. Ghosn could gather the collateral was considered, under the condition that the shift would be at no cost to Nissan.
    (4)  After consideration by Shinsei Bank and Nissan’s Legal, on October 31, 2008, Nissan’s Board of Directors passed a resolution giving Ohnuma, the General Manager of the Secretariat Office, the authority to sign current or future FX forward contracts for non- Japanese executive officers (including directors) at no cost for the company.
    (5)  The resolution granted authority to the General Manager of the Secretariat Office to
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    execute transactions to sell yen and buy a foreign currency for the benefit of non-Japanese executive officers in relation to their remuneration payment. The resolution presumed that losses caused by a transaction would be attributed to the executive officer and would be at no cost to Nissan. Therefore, as Nissan passed the resolution assuming the transaction was not a conflict of interest (Article 365, Paragraph 1 and Article 356, Paragraph 1, No. 3 of the Companies Act) and Shinsei Bank had the same understanding, on the same day, Nissan, Canayany and Shinsei Bank entered into a novation agreement to transfer the swap agreements from Canayany to Nissan.
    (6)  As a result of the novation agreement, Nissan took over the right and obligation to sell yen and buy dollars on the exercise date every three months in relation to Shinsei Bank; however, as stated above, it was presumed that the losses would be attributed to Mr. Ghosn and that Nissan would not bear any responsibility. In fact, when a loss of 62,580,000 yen was incurred on January 30, 2009, from purchasing dollars under swap agreement, Mr. Ghosn paid the amount and Nissan did not bear any losses. The swap agreements were created based on Mr. Ghosn’s cash flow, so the agreements were to sell yen and buy dollars in relation to Mr. Ghosn’s payment. Therefore, Mr. Ghosn had the ability to bear any losses that arose in the future, and there was no risk that Nissan would bear the losses. Furthermore, along with Nissan’s termination of its retirement allowance program in June 2007, it had been decided that Mr. Ghosn would be paid a retirement allowance, and based on the amount of said allowance, it was sufficiently guaranteed that Nissan would not bear any losses.
    (7)  Unlike Canayany, Nissan did not bear an obligation to Shinsei Bank to provide required collateral according to “fair market value” under the swap agreements. Therefore, while
    24
    the “fair market value” under the swap agreements was negative “1,850,405,142 yen” at the time of the execution of the novation agreement, Nissan did not receive a demand from Shinsei Bank to provide a required amount of collateral, nor did it receive a demand to pay penalty fees because collateral could not be provided.
    (8) After that, while the contractual status of the swap agreements was returned from Nissan to Canayany on February 20, 2009, following Mr. Ghosn’s procurement of collateral, Nissan suffered no “decrease in asset value” whatsoever during this time.
    IV. Charged facts regarding KJC
    1. Mr. Ghosn is innocent.
    (1) Each of the remittances to Khaled Juffali Company (“KJC”) underwent appropriate approval procedures as compensation, including expenses, for services that KJC, which is managed by Khaled Juffali, provided to assist Nissan’s business in Saudi Arabia, so Mr. Ghosn has committed no “act in breach of his duty” (Article 960, Paragraph 1 of the Companies Act).
    (2) The $14.7 million that Nissan paid KJC in total are compensation, including expenses, for services conducted by KJC to assist Nissan’s business in Saudi Arabia. Accordingly, no “financial damages” (Article 960, Paragraph 1 of the Companies Act) have been incurred by Nissan whatsoever.
    (3) As Mr. Ghosn did not recognize or approve of any “financial damages” to be incurred by Nissan, no intent can be recognized either (Article 38, Paragraph 1 of the Penal Code).
    (4) Each of these remittances was executed for the purpose of promoting Nissan’s interest, namely the development of Nissan’s business in Saudi Arabia, so there is no purpose of promoting “his own interest or the interest of a third party” that can be recognized either (Article 960, Paragraph 1 of the Companies Act). Both the remittances from ParkView to the securities
    25
    account under the name of Tomanaga Holding Limited and the provision of the standby letter of credit have no relation to the purpose of the remittances from Nissan to KJC.
    2. Mr. Juffali is a highly regarded businessperson from Saudi Arabia and Mr. Ghosn’s trusted friend.
    Mr. Juffali is a highly regarded businessperson from Saudi Arabia. His predecessors in the Juffali family formed the “Juffali Group” conglomerate in the 1970s, and the Juffali family has been managing the largest corporate enterprise in Saudi Arabia, dealing in a broad variety of businesses including manufacturing, distribution and trade. Since becoming Vice Chairman of the Juffali Group, Mr. Juffali has utilized his own experience and abilities to develop ties with companies all over the world. Mr. Juffali has managed Khaled Juffali Company (KJC) since 2004.
    Mr. Juffali has been Mr. Ghosn’s trusted friend for more than twenty years. When Mr. Ghosn met with Mr. Juffali occasionally during return visits to Lebanon and when attending international conferences, etc. such as the Davos conference, Mr. Ghosn sometimes sought Mr. Juffali’s advice with respect to business in the Gulf region.
    In September 2008, the collapse of Lehman Brothers led to a global financial crisis. As a result, Mr. Ghosn faced a situation in which the collateral that he had provided to Shinsei Bank became insufficient based on swap contracts. Shinsei Bank required Mr. Ghosn to either immediately provide additional collateral or cancel the contracts and pay to settle the margin calls. In order to avoid having to resign from Nissan to settle the margin calls, Mr. Ghosn asked his trusted friend Mr. Juffali for help. Mr. Juffali cooperated with the issuance of a standby letter of credit for 3 billion yen to Shinsei Bank, but that action is unrelated to the purpose of the remittances of this case.
    3. Nissan, whose business in Saudi Arabia was sluggish, sought KJC’s assistance.
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    The Middle East region is an important market for Nissan, and it was a region that was forecast to be especially profitable within the automotive industry. More specifically, Saudi Arabia, which has shown marked economic development, was a particularly important market for Nissan in the Middle East. However, Nissan’s business results in the Middle East were faltering and had largely fallen behind other Japanese and Korean companies in the industry. In particular, sales results in Saudi Arabia were very sluggish for many years. In 1957, Nissan designated Al Hamrani United Company (AUC) as a national sales company (“NSC”) for Nissan in Saudi Arabia, and it was selling Nissan vehicles as a local dealer. However, AUC’s business performance was very bad and it regularly failed to meet its objectives for unit sales. Against that background, there were circumstances of internal divisions surrounding management rights among the Al Hamrani family that manages AUC. It was very difficult to build a relationship between the Al Hamrani family and the Japanese company Nissan, as well as its subsidiary Nissan Middle East, and there were no signs of improvement. Nissan was in a predicament because it had signed an exclusive sales distributor agreement with AUC and had no choice but to sell Nissan vehicles through AUC.
    In September 2008, since before the financial crisis, Nissan considered breaking through such circumstances in Saudi Arabia. As a means of doing so, Nissan decided to seek assistance from Mr. Juffali, who had cultivated connections due to his performance and reputation in business. As a result of repeated meetings from around May 2008 between corporate officer Gilles Normand of Nissan Headquarters, Atsuo Kosaka of Nissan Middle East and Mr. Juffali, the decision was made to establish a limited liability company through joint investment by Nissan’s 100% owned subsidiary Nissan Middle East and Al Dahana FZCO, which is jointly managed by Mr. Nassar Watar, an influential businessperson in the Gulf region. Upon receiving approval from Nissan Headquarters’ Executive Committee on July 18, 2008, Nissan Gulf FZCO was established in Dubai (United Arab Emirates). Nissan Gulf’s purpose was to oversee the NSCs in four countries in the
    27
    region, namely Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi (United Arab Emirates), Kuwait and Bahrain, and expand Nissan’s local market share.
    Nissan asked KJC to assist Nissan’s business in Saudi Arabia by utilizing its business network and knowhow. Mr. Ghosn was receiving communications from Mr. Juffali regarding overall matters, and Colin Dodge and Mr. Normand were in contact with Mr. Juffali regarding local operations in Saudi Arabia.
    The development of Nissan’s business in Saudi Arabia increased in importance due to the financial crisis. The financial crisis had a substantial impact on the Japanese economy, and the automotive industry in particular, which is a key sector in Japan, was deeply affected. Exports overseas declined because of the high yen and sales fell globally. Nissan was no exception. Mr. Ghosn took every measure to save Nissan from the financial crisis, and developing business in the Middle East, which was experiencing remarkable economic growth, particularly in the market of Saudi Arabia, was part of those measures.
    4. KJC took initiatives and paid expenses on Nissan’s behalf to develop Nissan’s business in Saudi Arabia for the benefit of Nissan.
    Starting in the second half of 2008, for the benefit of Nissan, KJC began providing services to develop Nissan’s business in Saudi Arabia and also paid expenses for those efforts on Nissan’s behalf.
    For example, relying on his business network, Mr. Juffali conducted negotiations with the Al Hamrani family, which manages AUC, and improved the relationship between AUC and Nissan. As stated above, one of the reasons that sales of Nissan vehicles were stagnant in Saudi Arabia was that a dispute over management rights had unfolded within AUC, which led to their sales efforts being neglected. Nissan was considering terminating its distributor contract with AUC by declining to renew it. However, in that case, it was expected that doing so would result in litigation risk, an
    28
    accompanying loss of brand strength, and a further decrease in sales. Mr. Juffali negotiated with the Al Hamrani family and succeeded in reaching an agreement on a business plan targeting sales volume of 50,000 units for fiscal year 2009, along with the rough contours of an interim plan targeting sales volume of 100,000 units for fiscal year 2013, five years later. Results were achieved where AUC significantly increased the sales volume of Nissan vehicles, generating a sales volume in fiscal year 2009 that greatly exceeded the target of 50,000 units. Due to AUC’s significant improvement in performance, Nissan decided to renew their exclusive distributor contract on July 31, 2009. As a result, Nissan avoided the litigation risk, etc. that was expected in the event of not renewing the contract with AUC.
    Furthermore, starting in 2007 or earlier, the Saudi Arabian government solicited various automobile companies to construct automobile plants in the hopes of cultivating an alternative industry to the crude oil industry and generating domestic employment. Around April 2007, Nissan was contacted by the Saudi Arabian government regarding construction of an automobile plant. Mr. Ghosn expected an increase in demand for automobiles in the Middle East and Africa, and an increase in production volume. He thought proactively that if an automobile assembly plant were constructed as a production base in Saudi Arabia, then depending on the requirements, it could be profitable in the future. Mr. Ghosn established a unit at Nissan Headquarters and assembled experts in various fields to consider constructing such a plant from the perspectives of logistics, manufacturing, the supply chain, etc. Mr. Juffali actively assisted in the negotiations with government agencies such as the Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority (SAGIA) regarding the requirements, and assisted Nissan’s plan to construct an automobile plant. Over time, from 2008 through 2013, Nissan continued to consider a plan to construct an automobile plant. However, this plan was not ultimately realized because the requirements for sustainability and profitability were not met.
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    Mr. Juffali also engaged in establishing a limited liability company for Nissan in Saudi Arabia. Mr. Juffali utilized the network he had cultivated in business and actively negotiated to establish the limited liability company for Nissan. As a result, a license to set up a limited liability company owned by Nissan and KJC was obtained from SAGIA around mid-2013. Nissan Saudi Arabia (Nissan KSA) was established in November 2014, 75% owned by Nissan and 25% owned by KJC, and Nissan has been able to sell its vehicles in Saudi Arabia from that point.
    5. Nissan greatly benefited from Mr. Juffali’s business expertise in Saudi Arabia.
    After conducting appropriate approval procedures, Nissan paid compensation, including expenses, to KJC for services to assist the business in Saudi Arabia.
    After conducting proper approval procedures, Nissan paid compensation, including expenses, to KJC for services to assist the business in Saudi Arabia. When making those payments, allocations were made from the CEO Reserve budget, which is merely a line item, and special cash or bank account for the Reserve does not exist (see Section V. 5 for details). In addition, the strict procedures necessary for allocating the CEO Reserve budget have been followed completely.
    In May 2009, based on an evaluation of KJC’s contribution and performance, Nissan decided to pay $3 million as compensation, including expenses.. This proposal was approved at the Executive Committee meeting held on May 21, 2009. An application for allocating the CEO Reserve budget to make that payment (Application for Budget Adjustment) was subsequently prepared on June 1, 2009 by Gilles Normand who was in charge of the Middle East. Signatures were given by Greg Kelly, who was in charge of the Office of the CEO, and Emmanuel Delay, who was the corporate officer in charge of accounting, finance and management planning, as well as Colin Dodge, the corporate officer in charge of overseas markets in general, and then finally by Mr. Ghosn. Further, a Decision Form Concerning Execution of Remittances (Decision
    30
    Form C) was prepared, and in addition to Colin Dodge and Gilles Normand, who both had knowledge of the local operations, this was also signed by Steven Ma who is Controller of the region.
    The payments for the compensation, including expenses, from 2010 to 2012 were all completely executed by going through the same procedures and were approved by either a corporate officer handling finance functions or the CFO (Chief Financial Officer), as well as Gilles Normand and/or Colin Dodge, who were in charge of managing business in the Middle East.
    V. Charged facts regarding SBA
    1. Mr. Ghosn is innocent.
    (1)  Mr. Ghosn has committed no “aggravated breach of trust” (Article 960, Paragraph 1 of the Companies Act). Of the July 25, 2017 payment of $5,000,000, approval for the payment of $2,500,000 was granted by Mr. Saikawa, not Mr. Ghosn. Additionally, the July 30, 2018 payment of $5,000,000 was granted by Mr. Saikawa, not Mr. Ghosn. For both of these amounts, there weren’t any “payments to be obtained by [Mr. Ghosn himself].” Both of these payments were made for the benefit of Nissan. There is no basis in fact that money was transferred, directly or indirectly, from SBA to Mr. Ghosn or his family.
    (2)  No “financial damage” was inflicted on Nissan (Article 960, Paragraph 1 of the Companies Act).
    (3)  Since Mr. Ghosn does not recognize or acknowledge that “financial damage” was inflicted on Nissan, intent cannot be recognized (Article 38, Paragraph 1 of the Penal Code).
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    (4) Because the payments in this case were made for the purpose of Nissan’s interests, they cannot be recognized as made for the purpose of “[Mr. Ghosn’s] own interest or the interest of a third party” (Article 960, Paragraph 1 of the Companies Act).
    By offering incentives such as sales incentives to regional dealers, automakers maintain and increase market share, so sales incentives are an essential sales strategy for increasing vehicle sales volume.
    Nissan is a global company that has production and sales bases around the world. In terms of sales bases, Nissan has Regional Headquarters, which are mainly wholly owned subsidiaries, in North America, Central and South America, Africa, Asia, the Middle East, etc., and the Regional Headquarters sell Nissan automobiles to National Sales Companies (NSC), which are local dealers that form the foundation of sales in each country or region. When a Regional Headquarters receives orders for sales from an NSC, it procures the Nissan automobiles from production sites around the world and sells (exports) them to the NSC.
    Needless to say, NSCs are necessary for selling Nissan automobiles around the world, and they act as the front line in competing with other companies’ brands. The NSCs’ market share, sales volume and revenue are directly connected with Nissan Headquarters’ business performance in their countries and regions. Consequently, since Nissan Headquarters provides the NSCs of each region with sales incentives, preferential treatment on the terms of payment, etc. through the local Regional Headquarters, those NSCs continue to be Nissan dealers (without switching over to Toyota or Hyundai) and they are encouraged to give their best efforts at expanding the market share and sales volume of Nissan automobiles.
    Incentives such as sales incentives are not necessarily fueled by past or expected sales performance by an NSC. The level of achievement toward numerical targets is an important factor, but is not everything. Various factors are considered when determining incentives, for
    32
    example the importance of that NSC’s existence as a Nissan regional dealer, its relationship with Nissan up to that point, and strategies for expanding Nissan’s market share and sales.
    The Middle Eastern Gulf region is very attractive for Japanese automakers such as Toyota and Nissan for the following reasons.
    1) The quality of Japanese and Asian-made automobiles, in particular the air- conditioners, engines, etc. which are highly durable in high temperatures and harsh climates, is highly regarded in the Middle East.
    2) Profitability is higher than in other regions.
    3) There is great potential as a developing market. For example, Toyota’s market
    penetration is tremendous, which contributes to Toyota’s overall business
    performance. Nissan also has room to recover the market share that it lost in the past. Nissan’s Regional Headquarters in the Middle Eastern Gulf countries is Nissan’s wholly owned subsidiary, Nissan Middle East F.Z.E. (NMEF). The following companies are representative NSCs in the region.
    Arabian Automobiles Co. (AAC) (Dubai)
    Saleh Alhamad Almana Co. (Almana) (Qatar)
    Suhail Bahwan Automobiles LLC (SBA) (Oman) Rasamny Younis Motor Co. S.A.L. (RYMCO) (Lebanon) Al Masood (Abu Dhabi)
    Bustami & Saheb Co. (Jordan)
    Arata International (part of the SBA Group) (Iraq)
    3. SBA was an essential NSC in Oman and other Gulf countries for expanding market share.
    Suhail Bahwan Automobiles (SBA) is an automobile dealer belonging to Suhail Bahwan
    33
    Group Holdings (SBGH), the largest conglomerate group in Oman. SBGH’s founder, Suhail Salim Bahwan Al Mukhaini, is a very well-known and respected businessman not only in Oman but also in the Middle East and other parts of the world. When he was 15 years old, he started a business by loading up a dhow sailing vessel with date fruits, spending 40 days travelling to India, purchasing rice, oil and clothing, and returning to sell them in the town of Sur. Bahwan used the money he gained as capital to open a shop selling construction materials and fishing nets. He became a distributor for Toshiba and Seiko of Japan, and subsequently expanded into various areas such as electric appliances, watches, construction, telecommunications, food products and transportation. He served as consul general of Sweden, head of the Omani chamber of commerce, etc. His eldest son Mr. Ahmed Suhail Bahwan Al Mukhaini, studied auto industry management in the U.S. and subsequently took over SBA and then afterwards he formed his family group under the name of Bahwan International Group Holdings (BIGH) which now holds the shares of SBA. During his time at the helm, Ahmed has poured substantial financial resources into all of his auto-related businesses.
    SBA became a Nissan NSC in the Gulf region in 2004. SBA sold Nissan automobiles not only in Oman but also through an affiliate (Arata International Trading F.Z.C.; Arata) in Iraq, Libya, Saudi Arabia and China.
    In the early 2000s, Nissan’s market share in the Gulf region began to fall, and was considerably behind Toyota and Hyundai. The Middle Eastern region, with its high rate of population growth, high young population rate and the anticipated increase of the middle class population, was a region with growth potential for auto manufacturers. From around the time of the financial crisis until today, the strategy to expand the market in the Middle Eastern region continues to be Nissan’s key issue.
    In FY2004 when SBA became Nissan’s NSC, SBA purchased a little over than 2000
    34
    automobiles with sales under $33 million. From that point on, its performance improved dramatically year on year, reaching sales of more than 23,000 automobiles for $400 million in FY2008. However, during the FY09, due to the effects of the global slowdown from the financial crisis sparked by the collapse of Lehman Brothers, sales failed to reach 20,000 automobiles. Both sales volume and revenue continued to pick apace after that year, reaching over 31,500 automobiles for $1 billion in FY2018.
    SBA received awards practically every year granted to outstanding NSCs that significantly increased sales results for Nissan.
    4. Changes to the terms of payment: usance
    The financial crisis sparked by the collapse of Lehman Brothers that occurred in Fall of 2008 negatively affected auto sales throughout the world. The effects also extended to the Middle Eastern Gulf region.
    Initially, SBA paid NMEF according to letters of credit (L/C) payable at sight. Around January 2009, SBA asked Nissan to make the terms of payment more flexible to achieve the double purpose of mitigating the effects of the crisis and supporting an aggressive sales strategy. Changes to the terms of payment cannot be made at the sole discretion of the Regional Headquarters. It needs to be approved by numerous people on various levels of responsibility and governance in accordance with Nissan’s strict internal procedures. In other words, the changes to the terms of payment will be approved when (1) the person in charge of sales at NMEF makes a proposal, (2) gets approval from the person in charge of NMEF Finance Department, (3) the head of said Department, (4) and from the President (MD) of NMEF, (5) is then reviewed by the department in charge of sales at Nissan Headquarters, (6) and subsequently by the Accounting Department, (7) and lastly, obtains final approval from either the Global Treasurer or the CFO at Headquarters. It is not possible for the CEO to make
    35
    changes to the terms of payment at his sole discretion.
    Procedures to review and approve were conducted from January to February 2009 by NMEF and Nissan Headquarters. Over 10 people, including NMEF President Toru Hasegawa, Accounting Department Deputy General Manager Takahiko Ikushima at Nissan Headquarters and Nissan Headquarters CFO Alain Dassas, participated in the review and approval process. Starting from the first half of FY2009, a change of the terms of payment were approved so that the payment deadline would be 210 days after issuance of an L/C (the so called “usance”) and so that 3.0% interest would be paid during that period for yen- denominated L/C and 5.0% interest for dollar-denominated L/C.
    After that, SBA’s terms of payment continued to change. All of the changes were made after a strict review and approval process, and implemented after NMEF, through the President, proposed them to Nissan Headquarters and after they were approved by the CFO and the Accounting Department General Manager at Headquarters by following the approval procedures according to the internal company rules. Mr. Ghosn has never arbitrarily eased SBA’s payment terms. He has never instructed or approved a decision to ease SBA’s payment terms beyond the solid corporate governance processes involving the above mentioned Nissan officers.
    5. Payment of sales incentives to SBA from the CEO Reserve
    The CEO Reserve is not “money that can be freely used by the CEO.” There is no special cash or savings account. The CEO Reserve is a line item in the yearly Nissan global budget which serves to support various types of Nissan expenditure and investments during a given year. The CEO Reserve is not a system set up only for paying sales incentives. It is normally used for unexpected expenses or investments that occur during the fiscal year. For example, it is used for the following purposes.
    36
    •  Payments to hire talented executives
    • Emergency measures against unexpected product defects
    • Ad hoc measures to make synergistic or organizational improvements, engage in mergers, etc.
    All payments and/or allocations from the CEO Reserve are duly recorded in the financial statements under the corresponding field which reflects the nature and type of payment, and is naturally subject to internal audit. In order to disburse company funds from the CEO Reserve, it is necessary to carry out special procedures for application/approval/final decision.
    In the case of allocation and payment of sales incentives, first, the proposer must prepare a proposal containing the reasons why the disbursement is necessary, the date and amount of disbursement, etc., and then must present the proposal in front of the appropriate members of the Executive Committee (EC). The application/approval documents must be filled out with all necessary information, and the CEO, who is the decision maker of disbursements, ultimately approves after consent is received from Executive Committee members, the CFO and others. After such approval is granted, application/approval documents to actually pay the funds are prepared, and payments will be made after final approval from the vice president in charge (CVP or SVP). Whether it is the “CEO Reserve” or something else, and whether it is at Nissan Headquarters or Regional Headquarters, it is not possible for the CEO to disburse company funds at his own discretion.
    From June 2012 to July 2018, sales incentives were paid to SBA by NMEF from the CEO Reserve expense item a total of ten times.
    June 10, 2012: $3 million
    October 18, 2012: $2 million
    37
    June 20, 2013: $4.5 million
    July 2, 2014: $2.5 million
    March 11, 2015: $2 million
    June 17, 2015: $3 million
    December 30, 2015: $2 million
    January 9, 2017: $3 million
    July 25, 2017: $5 million
    July 30, 2018: $5 million
    These payments were generally determined and executed in the following way. In the beginning of each year, NMEF and SBA would check the sales results from the previous fiscal year and whether the numerical targets established in the previous year were achieved. They then would establish the numerical targets to be achieved for the current year and the conditions for payment of the incentive.
    The General Manager of the Middle East at Nissan Headquarters (CVP or SVP) prepared an approval application for the use of the CEO Reserve (Application for Budget Usage). Final approval was received from the CEO after consent was obtained from the CFO, related EC members, the executive officer in charge of the office of the CEO and others.
    After the approval is granted, the General Manager of the Middle East at Nissan Headquarters prepares a document to approve the disbursement (Decision Form C), and after review by the General Manager of the Accounting Department, the General Manager of the Middle East (CVP or SVP) makes the final decision.
    Based on the approval process and final decision within Nissan, NMEF and SBA would enter into a Memorandum of Mutual Understanding (MoU) between them, and NMEF’s President and SBA’s President or Chairman would sign the MoU. NMEF would make
    38
    payments to SBA based on Nissan’s decision and following the signature of the MoU.
    Of the July 25, 2017, payment of $5,000,000, which is the basis of the charge in this case, approval for the payment of $2,500,000 was granted in March 2017 when Mr. Ghosn was still CEO. However, the payment of the remaining $2,500,000 was approved by Mr. Saikawa, who was CEO at the time. In addition, Mr. Saikawa also approved the July 30, 2018 payment of $5,000,000.
    From FY2011, which is the fiscal year before 2012 when these incentive payments started, to FY2017, SBA’s automobile purchases averaged 35,000 vehicles per fiscal year with a yearly average of procurement value of $807,000,000. The ratio of the average amount of yearly cash incentives ($4.28 million) to the yearly procurement value amount ($807,000,000) was 0.53%.
    In this way, payments of the sales incentives were determined and executed following stringent internal company procedures. The amounts were also appropriate and reasonable as management strategy for Nissan to maintain and expand its market share in the Middle Eastern Gulf region.
    END
    39

     

    Categories: Uncategorized Tags:

    Fun with Kevin Gutzman, or, Does Citizens United apply to state limitations on what “speech” their corporations can engage in?

    November 6th, 2014 No comments

    Historian and Constitutional scholar Kevin Guzman posted a comment on his Facebook wall on the Citizens United decision that I took a disliking to.

    Here is his September 6, 2014 post and my responses (to him and his other commenters):

    There’s a popular meme that “Corporations aren’t people.” The aim is to repeal the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United that Congress cannot under the Speech and Press Clauses of the First Amendment limit political advertising so stringently as it had been under the McCain-Feingold Act. The point of the meme is that only people are entitled to constitutional protections, and so Congress can do whatever it wants to corporations. Let’s follow the implications of the claim that “Corporations aren’t people.”

    So you’re going to deny corporations constitutional rights. Does that mean the government will be able to search corporations’ property without warrants? Take their property without trial? Try them without counsel? Censor their publications? Punish them under ex post facto laws? House soldiers in their property during peacetime? Force them to pay to support churches?

    At least as early as Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1819), the Supreme Court recognized that corporations do indeed have rights of individuals. To say that they didn’t would mean empowering government in new and dangerous ways. Besides, we all know that shareholders–corporations–are people. They’re not hamsters. They’re not sandwiches. They’re not automobiles. They’re people.

     

    September 7 at 1:24am

    Tokyo Tom Kevin, this is an interesting an important topic, which hasn’t been set up very well. 

    First, I think you missed the gist of the Dartmouth case, which essentially said that NH couldn’t alter Dartmouth’s charter (which had been granted by the English Crown), because the corporate charter was a form of private contract that was protected from “impairment” by states under the Constitution. The case was brought by the Trustees of Dartmouth, and didn’t particularly “recognize that corporations do indeed have rights of individuals.” States responded by reserving greater powers when they create corporations.

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dartmouth_College_v._Woodward
    http://www.oyez.org/cases/1792-1850/1818/1818_0
    http://www.americanbar.org/…/students_in…/dartmouth.html

     

    September 7 at 1:32am

    Tokyo Tom Hopefully, we’re all clear on the fact that corporations are created by governments, were traditionally considered as forms of contracts and property rights, and have special powers, rights and characteristics provided by state legislatures that render them quite different from real, live human beings?

    Unfortunately, many on the Left and Right are confused about the origin, history and nature of corporations. As I said to some progressives:

    “Sadly, it seems that most if not all of the progressives here want to deny what cannot be denied: that corporations exist only because they are made by acts of legislative power of Governments. They also want to deny that the special characteristics that Govt give to “corporations” are the very attributes that lead to harms to others/social ills that continually fuel more regulation of corporations by governments.

    “It’s hard to discern why they have these views–perhaps, because they are so ingrained in seeing Govt as their sole savior in fighting against corporate Frankensteins–but they are clearly incorrect, as a legal and historical matter.
    Be that as it may, as a matter of understanding and attacking the roots of our problems, it behooves progressives to investigate and understand how government and corporations shape the incentives and influence the behavior of the people who find themselves within them.

    “Not only do corporations exist only because of Govt, but it is clear that the reasons why corporations play such negative roles in society and have corrupted Govt are their state-granted characteristics that would NOT exist in a “free market”. Sole proprietorships, partnerships, associations and co-operatives do NOT have#LimitedLiability, unlimited lives, unlimited purposes, and the businesses do not have legal entity status different from the owners.

    http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/corporations…

     

    September 7 at 1:47am

    Tokyo Tom Corporations have continued to find the Federal government and Supreme Court their friend in escaping control by the states that created them; see this pre-Citizens United post about the perversion of the anti-discrimination (due process/equal protection) provisions of the 14th Amendment (that used “persons” to protect freed slaves and unnaturalized Chinese) to require various states to treat corporations made in other states the same as their own corporations:

    http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/corpspeak…/

     

    September 7 at 1:51am

    Tokyo Tom Karl Pope’s thoughts after Citizens United are largely spot on, and explain the drive that Sen. Colburn is now sponsoring to convene a Constitutional Convention to consider amendments:

    http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/carl-pope-sierra…/

     

    • Kevin Gutzman It’s impossible to remove money from politics. If you deny individuals the right to buy political ads, you’ve effectively elevated owners of media corporations to the status of Elite Class, as only they will be able to say what they want. On the other hand, the Tenth Amendment reserves power to regulate elections to the states; if they want to ban donations from out-of-state interests or individuals, they should be allowed to do so. Score another negative result for the Incorporation Doctrine.
    • Kevin Gutzman I think that all federal campaign regulation is unconstitutional, as nothing in the Constitution empowers Congress to regulate anything other than the “time, place, and manner” of elections. At the federal level, there’s no reason not to have a sunshine law requiring disclosure of all donations.
    • Tokyo Tom Good point, Savana — states can and should be able to condition any corporate license on things that the corporation cannot do in its own name, such as lobbying. 
      Such a conditioning of the grant of corporate charter would be Consitutional, and would NOT deprive any individual of his own rights to lobby (or to combine with other employees to do so).If we want to get crony capitalism and the runaway regulatory state under control, we should simply stop granting #LtdLiability to corporate shareholders, and restore shareholder responsibility to monitor risk management by executives and managers.

      http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/immodest…/

      Tokyo Tom Kevin, I didn’t realize that “deny[ing] individuals the right to buy political ads” was the premise here, but denying the “right” of state-made entities to buy political ads, make contributions etc.
      • Tokyo Tom From my own Constitutional analysis, corporations, as artificial things, don’t “speak” at all (just as a printing press doesn’t speak either); people speak. Unfortunately, corporations (including media corporations) HAVE become ways for people to mask WHO is speaking. I think it perfectly acceptable under state corporation law and under the 1st Ad to constrain certain types of corporate “speech”.

      • Kevin Gutzman Big money wins? Big money often loses. Google “Michael Huffington” or “Clayton Williams” and see what you find. Let people know who is doing the contributing.
        Note: I agree with Savana that foreign contributions should be illegal. In theory, they already are, although Bill Clinton took advantage of them, (in)famously.
      • Kevin Gutzman The idea that I should be forced to contribute to Hillary2016! thrills me about as much as being forced to help fund the Westboro Baptist Church.
        Tokyo Tom SCOTUS has the First Amendment wrong -this was intended to bind tie Feds, at a time when corporations were profoundly despised and considered property of their shareholders, with rights only grudgingly granted by states.
        Property doesn’t “speak,” even as every single shareholder and employee retains full personal speech rights.
        Kevin Gutzman “Groups of people are not people.” — ISIS
        Tokyo Tom Mark, without corporations, are people UNABLE to associate to conduct business together?
        Corporations are creations of governments. People are not. Nor are voluntary associations of people, as businesses/partnerships, co-ops, unions or churches.
        Tokyo Tom ISIS? “of course a few less than enlightened people are not seeing the distinction between an inactive band of musicians and a band of terrorists involved in current world affairs.”
      Kevin Gutzman Right, they’re sheep.
      Special sheep with all the constitutional rights of individuals that they are capable of exercising–as I enumerated in my original post. The only one they don’t have is, “coincidentally,” the one the Democratic Party doesn’t want them to have.
      From Dred Scott to present, that’s the way Democratic Party “constitutionalism” works.
      Tokyo Tom “Of course corporations have the same rights as people. A corporation is not a tangible thing. It is an abstract term describing a group of organized individuals/people.”Balderdash on a stick, that we are reminded of in the cases of BP and Fukushima. Show me any individuals without a government-made liability shield who could do the damage that corporations (and governments do). Where are the mass torts? The Superfund sites?

      Individuals, business partnerships and coops can all be kept in check (to a significantly greater degree) by others in the communities in which they live.

      http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/quot-biggest…/

      Kevin Gutzman Tokyo Tom, I got off at “Senator Joe Barton.”
      Tokyo Tom State-made corporations are the health of the massive regulatory state, which is likewise the health of the crony corporations. It’s a rachet, and racket.
      Are you a Bootlegger, or a Baptist?
      Tokyo Tom Let’s look more at BP as a “person”:|

      • Jim Hightower:
        “And now, its rap sheet grows almost daily. In fact, the Center for Public Integrity has revealed that the oil giant’s current catastrophic mess should come as no surprise, for it has a long and sorry record of causing calamities. In the last three years, the center says, an astonishing “97 percent of all flagrant violations found in the refining industry by government safety inspectors” came at BP facilities. These included 760 violations rated as “egregious” and “willful.” In contrast, the oil company with the second-worst record had only eight such citations.
        While its CEO, Tony Hayward, claims that its gulf blowout was simply a tragic accident that no one could’ve foreseen, internal corporate documents reveal that BP itself had been struggling for nearly a year with its inability to get this well under control. Also, it had been willfully violating its own safety policies and had flat out lied to regulators about its ability to cope with what’s delicately called a major “petroleum release” in the Gulf of Mexico.

        “What the hell did we do to deserve this?” Hayward asked shortly after his faulty well exploded. Excuse us, Tony, but you’re not the victim here — and this disaster is not the work of fate. Rather, the deadly gusher in the gulf is a direct product of BP’s reckless pursuit of profits. You waltzed around environmental protections, deliberately avoided installing relatively cheap safety equipment, and cavalierly lied about the likelihood of disaster and your ability to cope with it.

        “It wasn’t our accident,” the CEO later declared, as oil was spreading. Wow, Tony, in one four-word sentence, you told two lies. First, BP owns the well, and it is your mess. Second, the mess was not an “accident,” but the inevitable result of hubris and greed flowing straight from BP’s executive suite.
        “The Gulf of Mexico is a very big ocean,” Hayward told the media, trying to sidestep the fact that BP’s mess was fast becoming America’s worst oil calamity. Indeed, Tony coolly explained that the amount of oil spewing from the well “is tiny in relation to the total water volume.” This flabbergasting comment came only two weeks before it was revealed that the amount of gushing oil was 19 times more than BP had been claiming.
        Eleven oil workers are dead, thousands of Gulf Coast people have had their livelihoods devastated and unfathomable damage is being done to the gulf ecology. Imagine how the authorities would be treating the offender if BP were a person. It would’ve been put behind bars long ago — if not on death row.
        [link above, past the Joe Barton part]

        And here’s a couple of fun video clips riffing on the nature of the unaccountability of corporate/BP execs (not to mention the absentee shareholders, “protected by limited liability” who are themselves “victims”):

        http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/satire-oil-spill…/
        http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/time-light-humor…/

        Tokyo Tom Corporations are “Special sheep with all the constitutional rights of individuals that they are capable of exercising,” Kevin?
        Hah. Try limited liability for one.
        http://archive.freecapitalists.org/…/speech-and…

        Tokyo Tom Corporations are the Health of the State. Is this why you and other good “conservatives” cheer them on, Kevin?
        http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/?s=health+of+state
        Tokyo Tom Timothy, can I recommend you look at well-known Republican shareholder activist Robert Monks, and “drone corporations”?
        The most abusive crony corporations tend to be a low-performing bunch of listed firms, with no significant shareholder blocs:
        http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/?s=drone+corporation

        Tokyo Tom Stacey, yes, my problem is with “corporatism” and how government-made corporations are the hand-maiden of both the snowballing state, crony capitalism, and confused people across the spectrum bewailing or defending “capitalism!” and “free markets”. is the natural result of governments creating Btw,
        1. BP is half Amoco, and ofc operates in the US through subsidiaries. Did you miss this in my quote? In the period just before 2010, “an astonishing “97 percent of all flagrant violations found in the refining industry by government safety inspectors” came at BP facilities. These included 760 violations rated as “egregious” and “willful.” In contrast, the oil company with the second-worst record had only eight such citations.”

        2. They “are sorry individuals, should they not have rights?”

        Which “they” are you talking about, and for what purposes? If you are talking about “speech”,” then in the case of BP, who is it who is speaking, and for whom? Who speaks for workers killed? Shareholders? Management? Who are the principals, and who are the agents?

        Every individual in BP/connected to BP retains personal rights to speak, and can form voluntary groups to do so if they wish–the doctrine Kevin is pushing is a socialist/collectivist one that DENIES individual accountability and and MASKS self-interest, thus forcing those who interact with or are affected by BP into a position where, since individual accountability is near-impossible, to seek government assistance in getting at least some collective responsibility, but little private redress — very little of whatever the government ends up collecting from BP will actually trickle down, and individuals will remain beholden to the government and to BP for risk management going forward, rather than having direct rights.

        See my above clips on BP cats and the Clarke and Dawe spoof for light takes on unaccountability and who speaks for whom.

        Kevin Gutzman Tom, you have got to be kidding. The reason Obama wants to muzzle corporations is so that he can take more of our money and give it to his constituents, invite more Guatemalans to come here and become his constituents, etc. He sees them as an obstacle, and so he wants to undo American legal precedent dating all the way back to the days when a ratifier of the Constitution was chief justice of the Supreme Court. And you say that I am the one who is pushing statism. Since the Revolution of 1937, there has never been a time when the Democratic Party stood for originalism in constitutional interpretation; they always argue for new, unknown doctrines that advance redistribution, secularization, etc. This new idea that corporations don’t have the rights of individuals is more of the same.
        Tokyo Tom The purpose of the First Amendment was to protect we the people from acts of the Federal government, NOT to protect state-created corporations from the governments and people who make them.The Federal government, this time through the Supreme Court, continues to play the role of helping elites, through state-created corporations, to destroy free markets and local representative government.

        I’m sorry to see so many deluded “conservative” cheerleaders for this.

        Tokyo Tom The answer to the following question is “NO”: [Does it make any sense to treat corporations as “persons”, given the differences in incentive structures?]
        http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/sense-treat…/
        • Kevin Gutzman Give me a break. The new argument that government can regulate corporate purchases of political advertizing is entirely about protecting incumbents from criticism. McCain said so, explicitly.
          Kevin Gutzman If you think advertizing against Obama is “destroying free markets,” we speak different languages.
        • Tokyo Tom Whip conflation now, Kevin. Try addressing my actual arguments.
        • Kevin Gutzman Show me where the Constitution gives Congress power to regulate purchases of political ads by corporations. You can’t, because it doesn’t. The argument that it does is based on the “reading” of the Commerce Clause invented by Klansman Black and his fellow FDR political hacks in the 1930s. It’s completely contrary to the 10th Amendment.
        • Tokyo Tom I’m not a fan of the Feds regulating anything, Kevin. But the states that make corporations sure as hell have a right to limit what they can do in exchange for very special privileges granted.
        • Tokyo Tom But I already addressed the First Ad several times upthread. Corporations are THINGS, not people. Things don’t “speak”, at least for Constitutional purposes.
        • Tokyo Tom My argument doesn’t refer to the absurd Commerce clause jurisprudence at all.
        • Tokyo Tom “The new argument that government can regulate corporate purchases of political advertizing is entirely about protecting incumbents from criticism.”
          I am sure that this IS the case now, but the argument against allowing corporations to speak (why does NYT get special treatment?) is 100+ years old — pretty sure I copied in a Teddy Roosevelt quote upthread.But you’re a HISTORIAN; you know this already.

          • Stacey York Morris States that “make” corporations? Huh?
          • Tokyo Tom Stacey, yes. Surely you’re aware of “corporation laws”, and checked out the Dartmouth case (rare exception of a one-off corporation made by King George). Corporations are creatures of governments — there are NO “free market” corporations.
          • Tokyo Tom The American Taliban is alive and well in “conservatives” who reflexively defend as “free markets” the corporatism that has always fuelled the “Progressive” movement.
            We have our own Sunni and Shia, battling over who gets to control the State:http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/state…/
            http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/dysfunction…/

            Stacey York Morris States don’t create corporations. They tax them but thats not creation. I’m a teeny corporation and trust me, the state did nothing. States don’t have the right to silence them one bit. They do court them but that’s because they bring jobs for their state and lots of tax money. States like Maryland and California blackmail and harass them to death. Charge them for infrastructure and tax them at the federal rate which is highest in world, so they may find a state that is more friendly, but that’s not “creating” them. King George wasn’t a capitalist.
            Tokyo Tom Stacey, unfortunately you’re sounding more like a liberal all the time, with the wrinkle that they deny that governments make corporations because it’s their view that the evil aspects of corporations are due to “capitalism” and “greed”, while with you it’s a desire to defend “free markets” from “greedy” and “grasping” GOVERNMENTS (did you NOT read the Sheldon Richman piece that you posted above)?Undeniably, corporations are made by governments; the fact that governments have, via a race to the bottom have “democratized” the process doesn’t change its nature. Rather, it simply masks the deep roots of corporatism and the reasons for the regulatory state.

            I explained this upthread already, with excerpts from this blog post:

            http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/…/corporations…/

            • Brett Sylvester ^ Funny how advocates of free markets can perfectly predict the property norms that would arise in the absence of a sate…
            • Tokyo Tom Brett, if you’re talking to me, I fail to see how you’re addressing anything I’ve said.
              Propertyrights continuously evolve in all societies, as technology, demand, mores and institutions change.So?

            • Tokyo Tom Jeff, focus. We’re only talking about the corporate form – which is undeniably a creature of governments and not free markets. Our Founding Fathers all knew this, and detested the Crown’s corporations/monopolies - does the original Tea Party not ring a bell?
              But you raise an important issue - the deep entanglement of government with business that flows from government creation of corporate forms is what underlies people bashing “business” and “capitalism” when they mean corporatism, as well as why they think governments have rights to micromanage business.
              • Kevin Gutzman I reference specific provisions of the Constitution, and Tom invokes proto-fascist Theodore Roosevelt. Non sequitur.
              • Kevin Gutzman I agree that states have a right to regulate corporate behavior. I oppose the Incorporation Doctrine.
                Kevin Gutzman Since a corporation’s holdings are the pooled property of its shareholders, yes, it has fiduciary responsibility for the property to which they have a natural right. That’s why in Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1819), Chief Justice Marshall spoke of the shareholders’ rights in considering the College’s claims.
                • Kevin Gutzman Some corporate crimes lead to incarceration of officers, some don’t.
                  The reasons there’s a move to deny that corporations have rights are two: 1) that some politicians don’t like being criticized, and so want to ban corporations from contributing to campaigns against them (as McCain said in explaining the McCain-Feingold Law); and 2) that there’s a general tendency for the Federal Government to deny all rights as they come to mind, and Citizens United brought this particular set to mind.
                • Tokyo Tom “I reference specific provisions of the Constitution, and Tom invokes proto-fascist Theodore Roosevelt. Non sequitur.”Hah. The historian can’t recall or research the history of his own thread.

                  Kevin, you said “The new argument that government can regulate corporate purchases of political advertizing [sic] is entirely about protecting incumbents from criticism”; I didn’t disagree as to Dem motives now, but simply said “the argument against allowing corporations to speak (why does NYT get special treatment?) is 100+ years old” and referred to your proto-fascist Teddy Roosevelt.

                • Tokyo Tom “I agree that states have a right to regulate corporate behavior. I oppose the Incorporation Doctrine.”Glad we agree on the first point; on the second, with the exception of Citizens United (on the First Amendment), much of the history of extending Constitutional rights to corporate “persons” has been of “Incorporation” — viz., making the Bill of Rights applicable to state and local governments through the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Corporations now have fourth amendment safeguards against unreasonable regulatory searches; fifth amendment double jeopardy and liberty rights; and sixth and seventh amendment entitlements to trial by jury.

                  You oppose these extensions to state-made corporations, presumably, Kevin?

                  Then you also OPPOSE the Supreme Court’s SUMMARY extension of its new First Amendment doctrine to the STATES via the 14th Ad “Incorporation” doctrine, in the 2012 Montana case, American Tradition Partnership v. Bullock?

                  If you are, then I commend you — other than your failure to point it out to people on this thread.

                  http://thehill.com/…/234515-supreme-court-reaffirms…

                • Tokyo Tom Brett: “You’re claiming that society would necessarily not be ordered in a certain wayin the absence of a state, when there’s no reason that it couldn’t be.”No, I’m not; I’m just saying that corporations are made by governments and have rights granted by governments, and observing that these are rights that you and I don’t have — owners of unincorporated businesses don’t have limited liability to persons who they may injure, we die, etc.

                  As Marshall said in Dartmouth: “A corporation is an artificial being, invisible, intangible, and existing only in contemplation of law. Being the mere creature of law, it possesses only those properties which the charter of its creation confers upon it either expressly or as incidental to its very existence.”

                • Tokyo Tom “in Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1819), Chief Justice Marshall spoke of the shareholders’ rights in considering the College’s claims.”

                  You speak with great authority of matters that Marshall doesn’t address in his opinion. His chief point is to determine that the grant of Dartmouth’s charter was a CONTRACT among the Crown, the founders (donors) and Trustees — not a trust with fiduciary obligations:
                  “This is plainly a contract to which the donors, the Trustees, and the Crown (to whose rights and obligations New Hampshire succeeds) were the original parties. It is a contract made on a valuable consideration. It is a contract for the security and disposition of property. It is a contract on the faith of which real and personal estate has been conveyed to the corporation. It is, then, a contract within the letter of the Constitution, and within its spirit also ….”
                  http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/17/518…

                • Tokyo Tom “The 14th Amendment applies to Americans.”
                  Due Process and Equal Protection apply to “persons” (there were plenty of non-naturalized Chinese, and the Amendment also had to clarify state and federal citizenship), which is how railroad and other corporations have been able to escape the states and capture the feds.
                • Tokyo Tom “The reasons there’s a move to deny that corporations have rights are two:”And then there are those who want to breathe real meaning back into “federalism” and states rights, and to end the conflation of corporation=business and crony capitalism=capitalism. 

                  The key to regaining control over our lives from Big Brother and Big Corporations isn’t the Federal government, but by reining in corporations/revising corporation laws state-by-state.

                • Tokyo Tom HEY THREAD FOLLOWERS —

                  Kevin indicated above that, because he opposes the 14th Amendment “Incorporation Doctrine,” he “agree[s] that states have a right to regulate corporate behavior.”
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    The sociopathy of not wanting to see the structural roots of “sociopathic” business behavior

    April 19th, 2014 No comments

    [cross-posted from comments at WBOS FB]

    A colloquitor believes business successes are driven by “betrayal, and ruthless sociopathy. That is how it works, and that surprisingly is what seems to lead to dominance and success in markets – or is believed to lead to dominance and success in markets.”

    I think the sociopathy you speak of is a very real problem, but it is one we see mainly where, thanks to the Govt interventions that have made shareholders powerless, there is no effective external check on management. Did you see my post on “drone corporations” (half of the Fortune 500)?

    https://www.facebook.com/groups/webuildoursociety/permalink/510602852376936/?stream_ref=2

    The progressive approach differs from mine/the real libertarian one largely in that progressives still naively believe that more centralization (more power to a few) is the best way to fight problems produced by centralization. Rather, we must fight the DYNAMIC of centralization — roll back Govt-enabled risk socialization (limited liability of shareholders, deposit insurance and “protection” of public shareholders) and make use creative destruction to bring down the dinosaurs/Frankensteins.

    Yes, the NAME of “libertarianism” has been used to magnify and justify corporate power, and attack and disempower ordinary working people, but not real libertarianism itself, which fights against the dynamic of the growth and capture of a central state that both parties have fed.

    “Arn’t you being a bit monotonic in your explanations here? Everything wrong with biz is an external factor that depends on the government and only on the government? Isn’t it possible there could be other sources of malfunction as well? If the government has done stuff surely it is in response to the encouragement of the sociopaths and the delinquence of the supposedly controlling shareholders? And you must be aware that appointing sociopathic upper executives has often increased the shareprice, suggesting that shareholders approve in general, or even demand sociopathy? just as they approve sacking ordinary workers or cutting their wages? Sociopathy could be a feature encouraged by capitalism and free markets – competition, wiping out the opposition, exploiting the workers, and profit are the key values – which could be easily embraced by sociopaths.”

    I may seem monotonic because I am looking at core dynamics of#MoralHazard, risk socialization, govt “capture”, corruption and theft.

    On share prices and sociopathy, can I get you to look at these posts on drone corporations’ negative behavior invited by unaccountability and government? [Did you know that cronyism in general means LOWER economic performance?]

    https://www.facebook.com/tokyotomsr/posts/510602852376936
    http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/?s=sociopath
    http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/?s=frankenstein
    http://tokyotom.freecapitalists.org/?s=hayek+moral+market

    See Roderick Long here: http://c4ss.org/content/11146, and my earlier post on Robert Nisbethttp://reason.com/…/1984/10/01/cloaking-the-states-dagger.

    Libertarianism/anarchism/mutualism/true conservatism would actually bring government and business both down to levels that could be managed by people in the communities that commons-guru #Ostrom spoke of:

    http://www.theamericanconservative.com/art…/hometown-hero/
    http://www.newrepublic.com/…/remembering-alienation…
    http://www.kirkcenter.org/…/robert-nisbet-and-the-idea…/

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    Leading Republican corporate governance expert throws in towel on shareholder oversight of listed companies, decries unaccountable CEOs, excessive corporate power and Government Capture

    December 10th, 2011 No comments

    Robert A.G. Monks is another well-known Republican now railing at runaway crony capitalism and its related corruption of government.  I have referred to Monks twice previously:

    More by Bob Monks on the shareholder marginalization at the core of the crisis of public corporation capitalism

    WSJ: Governance guru Robert A.G. Monks blames investors for crisis (but both he and WSJ miss that irresponsible, ineffective shareholders is a consequence of limited liability and “public co” regulation)

    Before embarking on a 40-year crusade as a corporate governance consultant, Monks had an extensive history in business and government. He was once the Republican candidate for Senate from Maine and corporate governance adviser in the film “The Corporation“. According to Wikipedia, “Monks has written widely about corporate governance and has published more than a hundred papers in publications around the world.He was the recipient of the Award for Outstanding Financial Executive from the Financial Management Association in 2007. Monks is the subject of a biography chronicling the corporate governance movement, A Traitor to His Class by Hilary Rosenberg.

    Bob Monks’ 30-Year Crusade“, 2003), “In the early 1980s, Monks established Institutional Shareholder Services, a leading corporate governance consulting firm, and, in the early 1990s, he opened Lens Asset Management, a fund that used shareholder activism to shake up underperforming companies. But today — in the aftermath of Enron, the corporate profligacy of Tyco International management and the like — Robert A. G. Monks appears to be a man for the moment. Monks, author of the book The New Global Investors, argues that shareholders, especially large institutional investors, have become passive, essentially abandoning their responsibility of overseeing the behavior of executives who are charged to serve them, and, Monks argues, the common good.”

    Monks’ books include:

    • Power & Accountability. HarperCollins, 1991. (with Nell Minow)
    • Watching the Watchers. Capstone, 1996. (with Nell Minow)
    • The Emperor’s Nightingale. Saint Simons Island, Georgia: Brook Street, 1999.
    • The New Global Investors. Capstone, 2001.
    • Capitalism Without Owners Will Fail: A Policymaker’s Guide to Reform. London: CSFI, 2002. (with Allen Sykes)
    • Reel and Rout. Saint Simons Island, Georgia: Brook Street, 2004.
    • Corpocracy. New York; Wiley, 2007.
    • Corporate Valuation for Portfolio Investment. London: Wiley, 2010. (with Alexandra Lajoux)
    • Corporate Governance (5th Revised Edition). London: Wiley, 2011. (with Nell Minow)

    His blog is here. Below I cross-post in full , with his approval, Bob Monk’s October 31, 2011 post, together with the comment I left in response at his blog (emphasis added)

    Corporate Power & Government Capture

    Failure of CG has led to capture
    For the past thirty years I have focused my energies on corporate governance and the legitimacy of corporate power.  And by legitimate, I mean that the people who exercise power for the corporations need to be accountable to somebody.  Over the years, it has become clear that they really are not accountable to anybody, and our experiment in self-regulation and minimal oversight has failed.  In practice, this has meant that a small group of individual CEOs exercise power over financing elections and lobbying the passage and enforcement of laws.
     
    Where are we now?
    The failure of owners to be involved in overseeing the corporations they own and the failure of government to enforce rules already on the books has led to what is known as capture.  Capture means, to me, the power to allocate the resources of government, in this case the U.S. federal government.  We’ve seen this in the bailout, in tax leniency and in subsidies.  We’ve seen it in deregulation and the failure to enforce regulations that already exist.   
     
    Capture is a very predictable and logical outcome of our failures.  All the corporate governance efforts I’ve been involved with have stressed the internal accountability of those with power in a corporation.  And one of the essential elements of accountability that are critical for long term credibility of sustainable corporations is that they be subject to a governing law, and that they comply with law in a full way and not in a grudging way. 
    So this is about corporate power – excessive corporate power.  The balance of power is not only tipped but so out of skew that we’ve come to accept it as normal.  We excuse it by saying that corporations need to be competitive or that they create jobs.  We excuse it by saying that CEOs take risks and therefore need outsized salaries to compensate for that.  But while some of that may true, corporations also take a lot from our society:  educated workforce, roads, subsidies, roads, military protection, diplomatic work done by our government and more.  Furthermore, they don’t take responsibility for the by-products or off-products of their work:  pollution, health issues, wear and tear on the infrastructure paid for by citizens.  Society is a give-and-take proposition but for now, the powerful take much more than they contribute and that is not sustainable. 
    .
    For me, corporate governance has failed and it’s time to move on.  These larger issues are where I see the discussion going so I’ll be writing more on this topic in the weeks to come.  Please comment or send me your thoughts.  There’s so much to talk about and I look forward to hearing what you think.

    I left the following comment in response at Bob’s blog (emphasis added):

     

    Posted by TokyoTom on Nov 3, 2011 at 12:32 PM
    Bob, the answer is simple:

    — Let shareholders of publicly-listed firms alone to figure out how to protect their own interests, and

    — Let better managed firms that don’t tap public markets (and thus who have smaller numbers of more sophisticated investors who don’t need the dubious ‘protections’ of Government) to eat the lunches of the bigger, more bureaucratic and less profitable public firms.

    In other words, the existing system can’t be saved, and it is not worth the effort.

    What we need is a whole lot more of Schumpeter’s ‘Creative Destruction’, which we can expect from private firms — which have been growing as Sarbanes-Oxley has helped large firms build barriers by walling off access to capital markets.

    One action item that I still see as necessary is to encourage the use of alternative corporate/organization forms where shareholders/owners retain a significant tail of risk. Since it is the moral hazard and risk-shifting made possible by state-granted limited liability status that has also fuelled the growth of the regulatory state, states can also experiment with dramatically lowering regulations for smaller local firms where shareholders have unlimited liability or must pony up additional capital to pay damages for any torts.

    Sincerely,

    Tom

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